“Stuck in Between”: A Druze Love Story

Feras Anteer and Rabaa Swaid in Haifa.

Feras Anteer and Rabaa Swaid in Haifa.

HAIFA – One day three years ago, Feras Anteer and Rabaa Swaid met on the campus of the University of Haifa. He had been visiting the university to explore its Master’s programs and overheard her talking to some students about needing young Druze people to take a survey for her class research project. He offered to take a handful of questionnaires back to Maghar, the Arab village of about 20,000 where he grew up, which has a predominantly Druze population. She accepted. Her own Druze village, Peki’in, about 40 minutes away from his, has a population of only about 5,000 people.

Anteer and Swaid are members of the Druze minority in Israel. According to the nation’s Central Bureau of Statistics, there are just over 125,000 Druze in Israel, mainly populating villages around the northern city of Haifa. Because their religion prohibits exogamy, they marry within their own community. Both Anteer and Swaid grew up knowing they must marry other Druze. Little did they know that fateful day in 2011 would lead to them falling in love with each other.

The story of their relationship tells a lot about the place of the Druze in Israeli society. Unlike Palestinian Arabs, Druze men like Anteer serve in the military and often rise to the diplomatic ranks. But they do not have the full advantages of Jewish Israelis. English is a third language for both Anteer and Feras. With their families, they speak Arabic. In school, they speak Hebrew. They are a people who embody within their own identity the divide between Arabs and Israelis in the Holy Land.

Soon after their meeting, Anteer took a job at the Israeli consulate in New York. But he was determined to stay in touch with Swaid. Now, he is back in Israel and they are planning a future together. One day this spring they discussed their future at the Baha’i Gardens in Haifa, not far from the university where they met.

“We didn’t tell our parents because we weren’t sure if it was going to work or not,” 23-year-old Swaid explained. “So we waited like two years… I waited two years.”

“For me,” interjected 28-year-old Anteer, who was sitting beside her.

“Thank you,” he said to her with a loving smile.

For two years, Anteer had been living in small studio apartment in the middle of Times Square after taking an unexpected job offer to work at the Israeli Consulate in New York City. Meanwhile, Swaid was completing her undergraduate education at the University of Haifa, studying psychology and English.

The Druze are perhaps the most intriguing and misunderstood of the world’s minority Arab religious communities, largely because of their reputation for secrecy. In the Druze faith, which was founded nearly 1,000 years ago, only a particular, initiated portion of the population may partake in the acts of prayer and studying the holy texts called Kitab al Hikma (in English, Epistles of Wisdom). These acts take place in the hilwah, or prayer house, which non-initiated Druze may visit, but not worship in.

The initiated and uninitiated live side by side in Druze villages throughout Northern Israel: parallel lives of the religiously devoted and secular masses. In some cases, some members of the family are religious while others are not. The religious class runs the affairs of the village; they perform marriage ceremonies, handle civic duties and mediate conflict. They are also available to teach religion and history to the secular Druze, but to a limited degree.

Though not initiated themselves, Anteer and Swaid grew up living in adherence to a strict set of cultural traditions, which they learned in school and from their families.

“We have a lot of big rules,” explained Anteer. “You have to marry a Druze girl. You cannot kill people. We also have small rules. You cannot eat pork. You cannot smoke. You cannot drink.”

The day they met, Swaid had been working on a research project about the Druze identity in Israel, which is extremely complex. The largest Druze populations in the world are found in neighboring Syria and Lebanon. She explained that because the Druze are a minority in Israel and so little is known of their mysterious religion, professors will often ask Druze students to research their own community for class projects.

So she created a survey questionnaire about whether Druze consider themselves to be Arab or Israeli.

“We are between,” she explained, with a sigh of exasperation. “We are not Arab. We are not Israeli. It’s so confusing.”

While the Israeli government officially recognizes the Druze as non-Arabs, every Druze you ask about their own identity will likely give you a different answer. Even Feras and Rabaa don’t agree.

“I am Israeli Druze,” said Anteer, “and I have Arab culture. I have to say Arab, because I look Arab, speak Arabic, eat Arabic? food and live with Arab people.”

“Every time someone asks me this, I have to think about it,” said Swaid. “I haven’t decided yet. I am Druze, first of all. And I think I’m Arab,” she said with hesitation.

Though the Druze are historicized as an offshoot of Ismailism, which is a branch of Shia Islam, affiliation with Islam is something some Druze vehemently deny, because of the persecution by Muslims that they have faced since their founding. Since the early years of the Israeli state, Druze with Israeli citizenship were given a status as distinct from other Palestinians, which ended up resulting in them being subjected to compulsory service in the Israeli army since 1956. And because they have Israeli passports, they cannot travel to Syria or Lebanon. Instead, they’ve been embattled against their own brethren on account of the draft.

Anteer served in the IDF for 3 years and the majority of men from his village continue work for the government or army. If he stays in Israel, he will likely do the same.

“Because we are a minority, it’s better for us to stay next to the government in the place we live,” explained Swaid. “Not with the other side.”

“The government loves and helps the Druze if they are in the army,” Anteer added.

“But in daily life, I think they look at us like we are Arabs,” said Swaid.

“It’s difficult,” explained Anteer, pausing to think. “The Arabs look at us go to the army and say we cannot be Arabs because we are with the Jews.”

“They kind of hate us.”

“But then there are Israelis who say you look like Arabs, you speak like Arabs, you are Arabs.”

“We are stuck in the middle,” Swaid said with a look of frustration on her face.

“I say it’s good,” Anteer posited, looking at her. “You can say what you want.”

“But you’re not honest,” she argued.

“It’s okay, don’t be honest. It’s the Middle East, not America,” he said. “You can say what the people want to hear. It makes it easier.”

“Make benefits from everything. That’s what he means,” she clarified.

The conclusion of her research was that the Druze is something of a national religion, like Judaism. “It doesn’t matter where in the world they are,” she explained. “They consider themselves Jews. We are the same. If we are in America or anywhere else, we are Druze.”

While Anteer was in New York, the two kept in touch on the phone. When he went home to Israel to visit his family, he would see her. Though long-distance was difficult, he knew he wanted to eventually marry her.

“There are few Druze girls in America. I knew I had to marry from my country,” he said. “And I liked her, she’s a beautiful girl, a nice girl.”

“And smart, that’s the most important,” she interjected.

“Yes. I loved her and I kept in touch with her and I decided I will come back and I will marry her.”

In the Druze tradition, if a man and woman are interested in each other, they must make their intentions known to their family, and then enter a formal dating period, which is something of a pre-engagement. So Anteer is now back in Israel, doing just that. The two are soon-to-be engaged.

Swaid is quiet and answers most questions shyly, the way Druze girls are taught to be, but it’s clear she has strong opinions under the surface.

The most difficult thing about being Druze, she said, is being a girl. “There are many limitations on girls, not like guys. He decided to go to New York and nobody said don’t do it. If I decided to go to New York, I need either my parents or my husband. It’s not possible alone.”

“It’s because we are so few,” interjected Anteer. “We have to keep our girls close, to keep us from other people.”

“Primitive,” said Swaid.

The Druze in Israel are known for being the most conservative of their Middle Eastern counterparts. Perhaps because of their precarious place in Israeli society.

“It is changing,” she added. “Ten years ago, maybe it wasn’t possible to study and live outside the house in university dorms… but we are influenced by the Jews. We need to keep up with the times.”

After they get engaged, which is a simple meeting of the parents, after which couples will often wear a necklace with their spouse-to-be’s name on it, they’ll have a wedding in which a Sheikh will draw up a marriage contract, and Swaid will be taken by her new in-laws to their joint-family home. Her relatives will come too, and they’ll have a big meal. Beyond music and food, there are no special rituals to be performed.

For now, as she prepares to graduate from college, she yearns to build a meaningful career for herself in Israel. Anteer really wants to return to New York City.

“He is confusing me. He is saying come with me. But I want to do my M.A.”

“I said do it there!” he said to her.

“When I went to New York, people said you will never come back and I said, ‘Oh, I don’t know about this place,’” Anteer explained. Then when I went to Times Square, I said, ‘Okay, this is my place.’”

“You have to go just to check it,” he said smilingly to Swaid. “If you go to Columbia? To learn there? It’s the best!”

She paused and sighed. “Okay,” she sais, laughing at him, “I’m gonna think about it.”

Religious and Political Divisions along the banks of the jordan

Archdeacon Peter Hill anoints a woman with water from the Jordan River, where many Christians believe Jesus was baptized by John the Baptist. The Land/Saman Malik.

Archdeacon Peter Hill anoints a woman with water from the Jordan River, where many Christians believe Jesus was baptized by John the Baptist. The Land/Saman Malik.

ON THE BANKS OF JORDAN RIVER, ISRAEL — The first thing most pilgrims to the Qasr al-Yahud baptismal site notice are the gilded crosses atop the Orthodox Church of John the Baptist across the river in Jordan.

Few seem to take notice of the barbed wire fence on each side of the dusty path leading to the baptismal site. Yellow metal signs every few feet, alert pilgrims and tourists against straying from the path.

“DANGER MINES!” the signs warn in English, Arabic and Hebrew.

Then, as they get closer, they see the Jordan River itself. Considering its great role in the Bible and in the ministry of Jesus in particular, many are surprised to find little more than a stream just a few feet wide. Concrete steps lead down to the water where pilgrims, many in white robes, renew their baptismal vows by immersing in its opaque green waters.

According to the Christian faith, this is where Jesus was baptized. It is considered the third most holy site in the Holy Land, after the Nativity Grotto in Bethlehem and Golgotha in Jerusalem.

Directly across from the Qasr al-Yahud baptismal site is a similar site in Jordan. Last weekend as part of Pope Francis’s first trip to the Holy Land, he visited the site in Jordan, bringing attention and a fair amount of increased tourism to the country.  Pilgrims enter the water on both banks as armed soldiers – Jordanian on one side, Israeli on the other – keep a watchful eye. There is netting in the middle of the river to keep pilgrims from swimming across.

Located east of the town of Jericho, Qasr al-Yahud sits on land that was captured by Israel in the Six Day War in 1967. Since then it was considered a closed military zone, open only through advance coordination and with a military escort. The baptismal site on the Israeli side opened to daily visitors in the summer of 2011.

The landmines are remnants of the 1967 war. Much like the rest of the estimated 1.5 million landmines and unexploded ordnance in the Holy Land today, they are also harsh reminder of the current political climate of the Holy Land. That political climate is never far removed from the sacred sites.

Among the groups visiting Qasr al-Yahud this spring was one lead by Archdeacon Peter Hill of Nottingham Church, England. Hill has been bringing Christian pilgrims from England for many years. This was his first time at the Qasr al-Yahud site.

Minefield along the Jordan River in the West Bank. The Land/Saman Malik.

Minefield along the Jordan River in the West Bank. The Land/Saman Malik.

“For those that haven’t been (to the Holy Land) before it’s something very challenging to understand why there’s such division between Israelis and Palestinians,” he said. “We’ve just traveled through the West Bank and there’s a stark difference from when you’re in the West Bank to when you’re here.”

Hill was referring, in part, to the separation wall that divides the Israeli-occupied territories and the West Bank territories. He was also speaking of the travel restrictions that Israel imposes on Palestinians Christians who live in Palestine. “Today I think there’s just a very sad and horrendous situation,” he said.  “There is injustice all around. I see our Palestinian Christian (Roman Catholic) guide; I hear his story and he has a faith despite all the things that he’s had to put up with.”

Of the three Abrahamic religions represented in Israel, Christianity is the smallest, representing about 2 percent of Israel population, approximately 150,000 people. In Palestine, 8 percent of the total population of the West Bank and less than 1 percent of the population of the Gaza Strip are Christian; approximately 210,000 and 12,000 people respectively, based on current population figures. In both Israel and Palestine, the vast majority of these Christians are ethnic Arabs. In Israel, for example, 80 percent of all Christians are Arab born.

But while Christians are a tiny minority, they constitute a majority of the tourists to Israel. According to the Central Bureau of Statistics, a record 3.54 million tourists came to Israel in 2013. Just slightly more than half of the tourists were Christian – and half of that number were Catholic. For Christian tourists in the Holy Land, a visit to the birthplace of Jesus, in Bethlehem is as obligatory as visiting Jerusalem, the site of his crucifixion and resurrection. Tourism drives Bethlehem’s economy.

Separated by only a few kilometers, Bethlehem and Jerusalem feel like they are worlds apart. Linked by biblical history, today the two cities are estranged by a wall. The Israeli government forbids its own citizens to cross the wall into any Palestinian controlled areas, while Palestinians need to apply for temporary permits to enter Israel.

Access to holy sites is just one of the many difficulties facing Palestinian Christians. Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem have different residency cards, and traveling back and forth necessitates a permit that’s hard to get. On either sides of the Green Line, Christians confront the same conditions of systematic racial discrimination as Muslims under occupation; political discrimination, lack of employment, restrictions on freedom of movement. Residency policies also divide families. Reportedly, there are some 200 Christian families split between the West Bank and Jerusalem.

And in a recent strategic move, the Knesset approved a controversial law that legally distinguishes between local Christians and the bulk of the Arabic-speaking population, which is primarily Muslim. According to its sponsor, the purpose of the law is to distinguish between Muslim and Christian Arab citizens and to heighten the involvement of Christians in Israeli society.

But while the Israeli government may seek to divide Muslim and Christian Arabs, the two groups do their best to advance a united front. Sami Awad, the executive director of the Holy Land Trust, a Palestinian non-profit organization, grew up in Bethlehem and makes no distinctions between Muslims and Christians when he talks about the struggles of Palestine. As a result of their Arab ethnicity, Christians in the Holy Land, on both sides of the separation wall, find themselves more closely aligned with Muslim Palestinians than with Israeli Jews.

The road to Qasar al-Yahud baptismal site, on the Israeli side, cuts through a field of active minefields. The Land/Saman Malik.

The road to Qasar al-Yahud baptismal site, on the Israeli side, cuts through a field of active minefields. The Land/Saman Malik.

“I grew up in a Palestinian environment in the seventies, where that concept of armed resistance deliberation and movement was quite popular, not just here but globally. That was the culture we grew up in,” he said. “Every Israeli no matter who they were, was defined as either soldiers or settlers. Soldiers and settlers had guns; soldiers and settlers had weapons. They hated us and we were supposed to hate them. That was the struggle. They occupied us, they controlled us and we were to resist them.”

The conflict, as it stands, means that the majority of Palestinian Christians, who reside in the birthplace of Jesus, are unable to visit the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, one of the holiest sites in Christianity, or the Qasr al-Yahud baptismal site.

Standing at the edge of the river, Archdeacon Hill dips his right hand into the water and draws a cross on the forehead of a man from his group, as he blesses him.

“Michael, I sign you with a cross here at the River Jordan. On this day you renew your baptism.  Jesus says: Michael, follow me. Amen.”

A few feet along the river, one group of pilgrims dressed in baptismal robes that look like oversized white t-shirts, emerges from the river as another group lines up to go in. Once the pilgrims have renewed their faith with a dip in the holy water, modern facilities such as showers, a separate space for prayers and a souvenir shop await them, before they get back on to their tour bus. As they make their way back, the pilgrims are more likely to see the signs warning of landmines.

The Rev. Bronwen Gamble from Nottingham, another tour leader, saw a powerful metaphor in all that. “Most of us were walking straight forward and I think that’s often what we do in life: we look towards the goal or the place where we want to go and we don’t necessarily look to the side and that’s when we miss things and that’s how injustices take place.”

On a Holy Land pilgrimage, she said, it was vital to take in both the holy sites and the warnings about landmines. “When you see the signs it really brings it home for you,” she said.

 

Discovering an ancient market in Jerusalem

 

Yusef shows a customer various ways she can wear a scarf. (The Land/Yvonne Juris)

Yusef shows a customer various ways she can wear a scarf. (The Land/Yvonne Juris)

JERUSALEM — Trying to find my way to the Western Wall through the winding streets of the Arab Souk in the Old City of Jerusalem, I was distracted by the sultry scarves, Middle Eastern-style bracelets and the unending solicitations from merchants who wanted to show me their items. But when I went inside a market on David Street to inquire about directions, I stumbled upon a tourist’s gold mine.

Yusef Sinjlawi is a co-owner of the family run Sinjlawi market. Located on 93 David Street in the Arab Quarter of the Old City, the Sinjlawi market is a family business that the co-owner claims was established 384 years ago.  Sinjlawi grew up watching his father and grandfather make jewelry and is a ninth-generation jeweler. He transforms stones from Eilat and Beersheba into masterful necklaces and some of his materials, he said, come from broken Roman glass that is found in artifacts recovered from the Israel Museum. In addition to his talents as a craftsman, he has a sense of fashion and often shows his customers how to braid or fold their scarves in ways that are either more stylish or in line with Arabic fashions. Beaded bracelets and necklaces of every tint and hue hang from hooks and a plethora of cashmere scarves adorn the store. Jugs and magnificent silver and gold jewelry that look hundreds of years old are placed throughout and sounds of the oud, a stringed instrument, are continually played through a boombox.

Goods at the Sinjwali market. (The Land/Yvonne Juris)

Goods at the Sinjwali market. (The Land/Yvonne Juris)

While ancient and exotic jewelry, pottery and other wares are not uncommon in the Arab Souk, there is a certain comfort and ease that is present in the Sinjlawi mart, almost as if it is a haven designed for the expressed purpose of creating a space where one can escape the chaos of the Souk, which is replete with cluttered markets and persistent merchants. It is rather large as compared with some of the other cramped marts and customers can leisurely sit and admire the store with a complimentary cup of tea.

Through his experiences as a merchant he has developed a more humanistic outlook on the Israeli-Palestinian tensions and has expressed his desire for peace. This is my interview with him.

 

A Tale of Two Gay Cities

A reveler at Tel Aviv's gay pride parade dances on a municipal bus stop. (Courtesy of Madeline Renov.)

A reveler at Tel Aviv’s gay pride parade dances on a municipal bus stop. (Courtesy of Madeline Renov.)

TEL AVIV — Under the relentless Mediterranean sun, a collection of rainbow flags thrash in the ocean breeze along a strip of oceanfront in Tel Aviv known as Hilton Beach. In fact, the rainbow flags hang on pillars of the beachfront bar, are pinned between the beach’s public restrooms and wave persistently and proudly on the wall dividing sand and the boardwalk.

Hilton Beach, according to Trip Advisor and just about any in-the-know Tel Avivian, is the gay mecca – the unrivaled, most popular destination during Tel Aviv Gay Pride week – in an already open and increasingly gay-friendly city. The array of rainbow flags is likely the most fabric one will see there; Haaretz wrote in February 2014 that Hilton Beach attracts the “fittest, hottest guys in the tightest bathing suits,” a relatively tame description in light of the beach’s unabashed liberalness.

Sixty-three kilometers away, in Israel’s capital of Jerusalem, the rainbow flags are much harder to spot. At the Jerusalem Open House for Pride and Tolerance, the city’s largest LGBT community center, the small rainbow flag that hangs in the window is easy to miss. It functions merely as an identifier, not as a rebuke of Jerusalem’s more traditional and religious environment.

The rainbow flags vividly illustrate the two starkly different cultures that have taken shape in Israel’s largest cities. While Israel’s LGBT policies are among the most tolerant in the Middle East, Jerusalem has exhibited slower progress than Tel Aviv in its overall friendliness towards, and acceptance of, gay Israelis. For many LGBT residents and activists in Jerusalem, the city – and public sentiment within the city – still has large strides to make before gays and lesbians achieve full equality.

In the past five years, the Ministry of Tourism in Israel has actively plugged the nation as a popular destination for gay Jews and non-Jews alike. The efforts have been remarkably successful in Tel Aviv – over 100,000 people, tourists included, participated in last year’s gay pride festivities, according to city data. But the tourism ministry’s promotion seemingly bypassed Jerusalem.

The demographic disparities between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, in large part, explain the contrasting receptions to LGBT culture. According to 2013 research from the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, a policy think tank in Jerusalem, 30 percent of Jerusalem’s Jewish population consists of ultra-Orthodox Jews, or Haredim. Conversely, only 2 percent of Tel Aviv’s Jewish population identifies as ultra-Orthodox, while 61 percent classify themselves as secular.

“In Israel, to be Jewish is to be Orthodox,” said Elinor Sidi, executive director of the Jerusalem Open House, or JOH. “When I came out of the closet 12 years ago, I was taught to believe that if I wanted to live as a complete person, I had to leave religion – there was no place for me in shul.”

Sidi is among the leaders of Jerusalem’s small, but growing LGBT community. She oversees a staff of four at JOH and a dedicated army of volunteers, running initiatives from a free HIV clinic to a bullying support group. A large component of her work at JOH rests in challenging and correcting traditional perceptions of the gay community. The biggest undertaking on Sidi’s plate, however, is the funding and planning of Jerusalem Gay Pride. The raucous gay pride parade in Tel Aviv is a municipal event, Sidi said. In Jerusalem, the event is entirely organized by JOH.

“Tel Aviv Pride is more of a celebration of the rights that we have, a celebration of what we have achieved,” Sidi said. “Jerusalem is smaller – 5,000 people – and it’s a protest and demonstration for the rights that we don’t have yet.”

The solemnity and political nature of gay pride in Jerusalem is appropriate, given the surroundings, Sidi said. According to a 2013 Haaretz poll, only eight percent of ultra-Orthodox Jews believe gays should be afforded equal rights, including the right to marry. Sidi leads demonstrators in a march to the Knesset, Israel’s house of parliament, and uses gay pride each year as an opportunity to “say something.”

Sidi and her colleagues believe that the tide in Jerusalem is beginning to shift, and that members of the Orthodox community are beginning to find that “gay” and “religious” are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Sidi cites handfuls of members of JOH’s support groups, who feared being marginalized upon coming out, but were instead met with tacit recognition by their religious leaders.

Today, an evolving Israeli society confronts a confluence of progressive movements – beyond LGBT rights, including gender equality and religious freedom. Some scholars believe that vocal, and seemingly omnipresent, demands for social justice in Israel, such as installation of a pluralist prayer area at the Western Wall or inclusion of Reform and Conservative rabbis within Israel’s chief rabbinate, will only benefit the LGBT cause.

“Gay Israelis have forced the local variance of Orthodoxy to at least acknowledge that LGBTs exist,” said Lee Walzer, an American attorney and author of “Between Sodom and Eden: A Gay Journey Through Today’s Changing Israel.” “What they’re struggling with, though, is how to acknowledge it.”

The politicization of Judaism in Israel further complicates the issue of legalizing gay marriage, according to Walzer. Under Israeli law, Orthodoxy maintains a “religious monopoly over marriage and divorce,” and civil marriages are illegal. Walzer is skeptical of significant progress for Israel’s gay rights movement without overhauling the state’s religious establishment.

“I would not say never,” Walzer said. “But it’s not going to happen any time soon.”

The current climate for gay life in Israel, religious gay life included, has shifted considerably since the initial publication of Walzer’s book, in 2000. At that time, gay rights were seldom discussed in the United States. LGBT matters were, however, a part of Israel’s public discourse, albeit in concentrated pockets of the country – like Tel Aviv.

“The stereotype was that Tel Aviv is just this hedonistic, Mediterranean city that parties non-stop, and in Jerusalem, they learn Torah all day long,” Walzer said. “Jerusalem today is very schizophrenic – there are secular areas and gay communities – but it doesn’t reflect Israeli trends, and to me, it doesn’t feel part of the Israeli experience.”

Even so, manifold outlets for gay, religious Israelis have emerged in Jerusalem within the past decade. The Jerusalem Open House, in fact, helped spawn and cultivate gay religious support groups that ultimately developed into non-governmental organizations, including Havruta, for gay religious men, Bat Kol, for gay religious women and al-Qaws, for gay Palestinians. The groups function as a viable middle ground for religious members of the LGBT community, and are becoming increasingly present and influential in gay Israeli society.

“We represent something else,” Daniel Jonas, a chairman of Havruta, told the Daily Beast last year. “More moderate, more communal.”

Sidi, of the Jerusalem Open House, considers the ingratiation of religious gay groups into mainstream Israeli society as beneficial and necessary. It is, she said, perhaps the best way for the Orthodox establishment in Israel to gain exposure to members of the gay community, and ultimately accept gay congregants and followers.

“The Reform and Conservative movements were really leading the change, and Orthodox rabbis saw that gay reform rabbis were being ordained,” Sidi said. “When a person comes out today, they are not necessarily forced to leave the community. There is still a place in front of God for them. It’s going to take [the Orthodox] a lot of time, but they’re getting there.”

Don Goor is among the gay reform rabbis who have potentially impacted the shifting Orthodox approach to homosexuality. Goor, 56, made aliyah, or immigrated to Israel, in June 2013 with his husband, a Reform cantor. He had previously been a pioneering figure in Reform Judaism in Los Angeles, Calif., where he was among the first gay rabbis to be appointed senior clergy of a synagogue.

When Goor was named senior rabbi of Temple Judea, it was “the country’s largest mainstream synagogue to have an openly gay man as its spiritual leader,” the Los Angeles Times wrote in 1997.

“I’m a rabbi who happens to be gay,” Goor said to the Times then. “I’m comfortable discussing homosexuality. There’s nothing that’s hidden.”

Today, as an “oleh hadash,” or new immigrant, to Jerusalem, Goor’s “Jewishness” is not necessarily impeded by the overwhelming presence of Orthodoxy in the city, he said, but his approach to daily life is decidedly more secular. He elects not to wear a yarmulke on a daily basis, and his new job no longer places him in a pulpit, yet in a traditional office environment, coordinating educational trips to Israel for American Jewish youth groups.

“I try to my best to stay unaffected by Haredi impositions,” Goor said. “It’s not the judgment or the lack of acceptance that I care about – it’s when Haredi rabbis cause an uproar over the new cinema being open on Saturdays.”

A ruling by the Israeli Supreme Court in 2006 mandated that Israel’s government recognize all foreign same-sex marriages. It was touted as a landmark achievement for gay rights in Israel. As a result, Goor and his husband, Evan, maintain the same rights as heterosexual spouses in Israel. Their respective Israeli identity cards read “MARRIED.”

But there are instances, Goor concedes, in which he and his husband wonder if they would be better off living in Tel Aviv, where the gay community is more lively and where the distinction between those who are religious and those who are not feels less severe.

“Something about Jerusalem just feels right,” Goor said.

 

Finding refuge in Christ: African churches of Tel Aviv

Pastor Jeremiah’s Church: Building a community of hope
By Poppie MphuthingTEL AVIV — On Saturday mornings, the thunderous sounds of singing can be heard from the Evangelical and Pentecostal churches on Levanda Street, which is known locally as Church row. The singing comes from derelict-looking buildings that house churches like Lift Up Your Head Ministry, run by Pastor Jeremiah Dairo from Nigeria. Read more…
Pastor Solomon’s Church: Where African flags stand beside the flag of Israel
By John AlbertTEL AVIV — The window shades are drawn. Tambourines are scattered on chairs across the room. Although it is a Christian house of worship, there are no crosses to be found. Guitar amplifiers, microphone stands, a keyboard and drum kit stand in one corner of the room. Propped up in the other corner are five national flags – Nigeria, Ghana, Ivory Coast, the Philippines, and Israel. Read more…
A new church for migrants flourishes in south Tel Aviv
By John Albert and Indrani BasuTEL AVIV — Many of the locals living around 33 Shivat Zion Street in the southern end of this booming Mediterranean city haven’t heard of the new church there. The façade is plain cement, and there’s no sign hanging outside. The church’s leaders prefer it that way – they aren’t exactly advertising their presence. Nor do they need to.Read more…

99 years after the genocide and the wounds are still fresh

Armenians in New York City commemorate the 99th anniversary of the genocide at the St. Vartan Cathedral. The Land/Patty Guerra.

Armenians in New York City commemorate the 99th anniversary of the genocide at the St. Vartan Cathedral. (The Land/Patty Guerra)

JERUSALEM – Every April, Armenian Christians around the world remember the lives of the more than 1 million Armenians who were annihilated by the Ottoman government during World War I. In Israel, however, the annual commemoration is tinged with extra sadness because of the reluctance of the Israeli government to publicly admit that the genocide ever happened.

“We are hurt that the Israeli government doesn’t recognize it officially yet, even though it was used as a pretext for their own people,” said Archbishop Aris Shirvanian of the National Armenian Church in Jerusalem.

“We all know that this injustice was perpetrated against our ancestors and 1.5 million Armenians perished in that genocide,” said Shirvanian. During and after the First World War, the Ottoman government exterminated Armenians and other Christian groups in an effort to establish an Islamic nation. It began on April 24, 1915 with the arrest of several hundred Armenians. During that time, Palestine was a part of the Ottoman Empire, so Armenians were driven to Syria to the desert of Deir ez-Zor. Hundreds of thousands were massacred or buried alive in the desert. Out of those who made it out alive, some moved to Lebanon and others settled in Jerusalem. That was the last wave of Armenians that got established in Jerusalem, and their descendants live there today. It is calculated that about 25,000 Armenians fled to Jerusalem after the genocide.

“They came to Jerusalem and were offered shelter within the walls of the monastery,” said Victor Azarya, a retired professor from Hebrew University and author of “The Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem.” The monks inside those monasteries took it upon themselves to nourish the survivors of the genocide. “They started to develop a community around the monastery,” said Azarya, “for many of them it was a temporary measure, for some of them the temporary asylum became permanent, therefore we find a sizeable Armenian community who lives in Jerusalem.”

The presence of Armenian Christians in the Holy Land is not only a result of people fleeing Turkey during the genocide; in fact, “Armenians were one of the first groups who accepted Christianity,” they “consider themselves the oldest community in Jerusalem,” said Azarya. Armenians accepted Christianity in 301 after Tiridates III proclaimed it as the State religion. Armenia would then become the first State to adopt this religion officially and they began taking interest in holy places. Armenian Christians “established themselves in holy places of Christianity over the 4th century,” including the much-coveted Church of the Holy Sepulcher, where some believe Jesus was crucified and later buried. After that, Empress Helena, mother of Constantine, commissioned the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, where Jesus is believed to have been born, and Armenian clergy started settling in Jerusalem. They expanded their presence with over 50 monasteries and convents throughout the Holy Land, the main one being the Monastery of St. James in Jerusalem. “This shows that Armenians were deeply invested in the Holy Land,” said Shirvanian. Azarya says Armenians’ presence in the Holy Land can be traced continuously since the fifth or sixth centuries.

Centuries later, during the Crusades, which were a series of military campaigns sanctioned by the Latin Roman Catholic Church aimed at regaining control of holy sites in the Holy Land from Muslim control, Armenians were a key ally; they “were one of the few Christian communities to cooperate with crusaders,” and “as a result of their cooperation with crusaders, they occupied what is now known as the Armenian Quarter.” Shirvanian explained that the Crusades strengthened Armenian presence in the area. With time, Armenians came to Jerusalem as pilgrims, “their beliefs anchored them here,” said Azarya. But for most of this time, it was only a religious presence: priests and monks keeping custody of holy spaces, not civilian presence. That is, until the genocide of 1915.

But even though the terrors of the genocide were behind them, the memories still haunted survivors. “Over the years, those immediate survivors couldn’t forget what happened, they kept telling their stories, and it was transmitted from generation to generation,” said Shirvanian, whose grandparents on both sides went through the genocide. His paternal grandfather was conscripted to the Turkish army “and never came back,” he said, “he was taken to a valley and along with other Armenians, he was executed.” Men were killed and subjected to forced labor, and “women and girls were raped, slaughtered,” said Shirvanian.

Memories of The Great Crime are fresh in the Armenian collective memory, and it is a strong source of identity and shared history. “We always remember it. Not just on April 24,” said George Odabashian, a convenience store clerk who lives within the walls of the St. James Monastery with his wife and two children. “Daily, we talk about the genocide and what happened… we never forget it, we can’t,” he said.

There are obvious parallels between the Armenian Genocide and the Holocaust. In planning the extinction of European Jews, Hitler was said to have remarked: “Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians?”

Nonetheless, the Israeli government has yet to publicly acknowledge the genocide. Many speculate that Israel does not want to alienate its economic and political ally Turkey, a nation that also does not recognize the Armenian genocide. Others suggest that Israel likes to claim the mantle of suffering for itself.

Azarya believes that the Holocaust was “a terrible thing, but it’s not unique.” It was a “very traumatic, cruel event, but it was not unique,” he added, “there are other places and other communities that were ethnically destroyed.”

Armenians feel betrayed by this lack of recognition. “Why don’t you let us call our calamity a holocaust?” said Azarya.

Shirvanian believes that the Israeli government cares more about economic and political ties with Turkey than the truth.

Azarya noted that relations between Turkey and Israel have deteriorated in recent years.  “We may have reached that point,” he said, where the Israeli government is willing to break with Turkey on this issue.

Even without formal recognition of the genocide by Israel, many Armenians feel like the Jewish people empathize with their suffering. “They keep telling us we’re just like the Jews, we suffered a lot,” said Odabashian as he bagged groceries for a customer. Shirvanian hopes that the Jewish people’s awareness of the genocide may push the conversation forward. Some 21 nations have recognized the Armenian Genocide.

Shirvanian thinks this issue should be brought up at the United Nations General Assembly to “force Turkey to accept its guilt and to make reparations to the Armenian people.” He says that although Israel is small, it is a very powerful country; he is convinced that that is the reason why the United States hasn’t recognized it either. “It’s about time that we not protect the Turkish when it comes to genocide,” said Azarya.

During his presidential campaign, Barack Obama vowed to recognize the Armenian Genocide. “America deserves a leader who speaks truthfully about the Armenian Genocide and responds forcefully to all genocides. I intend to be that president,” he said in 2008. But six years later, this promise is still unkept. During this year’s commemorative speech, President Obama said “I have consistently stated my own view of what occurred in 1915, and my view has not changed;” he talked about the horrors endured by the Armenian community, and he described the Great Crime as a massacre. Yet no mention of the word genocide.

Today, some 1,500 Armenians live in Jerusalem and there are about 15,000 in all of Israel. In Jerusalem, the Armenian Christian community is comprised of three main groups: the members of the monastic order of St. James, a small minority of locals who arrived before World War I, and, the largest segment, descendants of refugees of the genocide. But the community has been shrinking since 1948, and some fear that it may become extinct. Since Israel was established as a Jewish state, immigration of Christians is possible but rare.  “Yet the community is surviving,” said Shirvanian.

But will all the Armenians in the Holy Land eventually die out? “It will take time,” said Shirvanian, “when the community is small and shrinking, there will be less births and less marriages and the community may die out. Unless laws change in the country and Armenians are allowed to come here and strengthen the community.”

Azarya doesn’t think that Armenians in Jerusalem will cease to exist, “they will not disappear definitely as long as the religious nucleus is there,” he said, “but it may revert to what it was before the genocide, before the refugees got here.” Azarya says Armenian clergy will always have presence in Jerusalem, “because they serve the needs of the religious community.”

Every April 24, Armenians around the world gather at their local churches to commemorate the genocide. At the St. Vartan Cathedral in New York City located at 630 2nd Ave., dozens of parishioners attended a morning service in Armenian which was followed by a candlelight ceremony. At the back of the church, an all-women chorus adorned the service. Seven women dressed in long gowns and wearing handkerchiefs on their heads sang praise songs in Armenian that can only be described as angelical. The all-male cohort officiating at the front of the church engaged in beautiful exchanges with the female ensemble. The depth of the bishops’ voices elegantly contrasted the high-pitched notes produced by the chorus. Although the experience was elevating, its somberness could not  be ignored.

After the service, a striking Armenian woman in a headscarf and floral black and white dress past around long, white candles. The attendants assist her in giving out the candles, and the lighting quickly spreads. Parishioners then followed the bishop to a foyer by the entrance of the church, and a group of about four men recited prayers in Armenian. Everybody gathered in the tight space where bowed heads and bright flames were a reminder of those who perished in their own homeland.

David Meliah, 48, says he comes every year to the commemorative service, “it’s part of our history, we all have ancestors that were killed in the genocide,” he said. “It was a sad, tragic event that keeps us together,” he added. His grandparents arrived in the United States in the early 1920s by way of Syria. Meliah is not particularly bothered by Israel’s reluctance to recognize the genocide, he feels a stronger connection to Armenia, “that is our Holy Land,” he said. In Jerusalem, there is a Genocide Commemorations Committee, which will be in charge of putting together a special program for next year’s observation of the 100th anniversary. They normally have a requiem service at St. James and the whole community is mobilized, then they form a procession led by the patriarch and they walk across the street to the genocide memorial which consists of seven cross stones, each one representing an Armenian province wiped during the genocide.

With Turkish and Israeli relations deteriorating, and the 100th anniversary of The Great Crime approaching, this may be the momentum that was needed for Israel to publicly acknowledge the atrocities perpetrated by the Ottoman government against Armenians. “We never give up the hope that the Israeli government will one day recognize the genocide,” said Shirvanian, “politics change day by day, yesterday’s friends may become enemies today.” He said that a public admission would make the Armenian community feel more at home in Israel, “we are citizens of this country – there are Armenians with Israeli citizenship,” he said, “some are stateless, but after all, they are citizens of this Holy Land.”

There are already Orthodox Jews in the IDF, so why is Israel up in arms?

JERUSALEM— Alex Katz, a 19-year-old high school graduate, wears a kippah, prays three times a day, and spends a good part of his day studying Torah. But Katz recently added a new cap to his wardrobe: the aqua beret bestowed upon members of totchanim, the artillery brigade of the Israeli Defense Force (IDF).

Katz is a vivid reminder that despite all the debate in Israel about the ultra-Orthodox and the military, there are many Orthodox men who serve in the IDF.  He is enrolled in a program called mahal hesder, or just hesder, that requires students to make a five-year commitment that combines intense Torah study with army service.

There are currently 4,900 participants in the hesder program, an IDF spokeswoman said. These men study at 68 religious institutions in Israel preapproved by the government that affords its students the opportunity to both learn Torah and serve in the IDF. Katz is a student at one of them, Yeshivat Hakotel.

The Orthodox and the draft have become big news since The Equal Service Bill was passed in March by Israel’s Parliament, known as the Knesset. The law made it illegal for yeshiva students to dodge the national army draft. The ultra-Orthodox were up in arms. To them, the army will force them to integrate into secular Israeli society. To them, young men studying in yeshiva, engaging with God’s text fulfill the Divine will. They feel that this is how they protect Israel, through Torah study.

Alex Katz before he is initiated into the Israeli army on March 18th at the Bakum. (Courtesy Alex Katz)

Alex Katz before he is initiated into the Israeli army on March 18th at the Bakum. (Courtesy of Alex Katz)

The experience of the hesder students provides another model in that these young men merge Torah study and military service. Rabbi Reuven Taragin, a rosh yeshiva at Yeshivat Hakotel, where Katz studies, said “we encourage people to do both and follow the model of the hesder yeshiva.” He made the statement on behalf of the yeshiva.

Until the passage of the draft bill, Orthodox Israeli high school graduates had three choices: (1) apply for the an exemption because they’ve put Torah study first, (2) enter the army for a three- year stint or (3) combine the two in a hesder program.

The first hesder yeshiva, established in 1953, five years after Israel’s War of Independence, was a natural outgrowth of religious Zionist ideology. The hesder movement gained popularity and government in funding in the 1970s. The first year and a half of the program, the young man is in yeshiva, followed by 16 months of active military service. While serving, they are fully integrated into the army, serving along side all other soldiers.  Afterwards, he must return to yeshiva for approximately two years during which the army can call on him if need be.

Hesder has its champions and detractors. In 1991, the hesder yeshivot were awarded the Israel Prize for their special contribution to society and the state of Israel, and yet today, this compromise of a program, which seems to symbiotically fuse the desire of the religious people to learn with the desire of the state to be defended, faces disapproval.

Hesder supporters believe that the Equal Service Bill includes harsh stipulations towards hesder. The bill extends hesder’s 16 month active duty service by one month, without increasing its already sparse budget.

Despite all of the program’s critics, Katz heeded his draft summon with excitement. He remained idealistic—“we need Torah and the army,” he chanted just before his draft ceremony.

At the moment, approximately 2,300 of the IDF’s 170,000 active soldiers are hesder young men, and 73 percent of them serve in combat units. The IDF Spokeswoman contended “the percentage of hesder soldiers who go into combat is very high compared to the general population.”

Katz chose to walk this path less traveled because he firmly believes that the security of the state of Israel will come from both Torah study and the army.

“There’s a religious side to serving,” Katz said. “We’re serving the Jewish people,” he clarified, emphasizing the country’s religious bond.

Naftali Bennett, a member of the Knesset from the Bayit Yehudi party, sings the praises of the hesder yeshivot, and maintains that he would express only “thanks” for their existence.

“There has been criticism for years about the disconnect between Torah and the state,” he said in light of the draft bill. “Support for hesder yeshivot has been a source of growth and connection between Torah and the state and Torah and Zionism.” Bennett supported the draft bill.

Hesder detractors like Ofer Shelah from the Yesh Atid party, criticize the program because the soldiers do not serve the full three years of active duty.

“If I were a graduate of a hesder yeshiva, I would be very embarrassed,” Shelah said at a Knesset meeting in September. He has notoriously branded hesder as “an escape route for someone who isn’t interested in serving three years.”

Omer Lupa, 24, who finished the hesder program two years ago, is not nearly embarrassed about serving in hesder—he’s proud.

Sitting in his family’s den in Israel’s Newe Aliza neighborhood, Lupa, gestures towards a picture of him in his purple beret, which marks him as a member of Givati, an elite infantry brigade. He wants Ofer Shelah and other detractors to know something: “people who do hesder have integrity,” he began. “Look at your friends who have done hesder. What kind of people are they now? They have a moral backbone, right? Now, tell me, would you cancel hesder after all it has given to the country and to the army?” Lupa asked, alluding to prominent political figures like Yitzhak Levy, who served in coalition governments between 1988-2005.

To anyone who says that he and his fellow hesder soldiers are looking for an easy way out, Lupa laughed: “In hesder, we’re out of commission from age 18 to 23. We’re not allowed to work. We’re not allowed to leave the country, whereas other people at 21, they’re done,” he said. “For people who say it’s not fair, that we’re serving less time, look at those figures.”

Because of this extended contract where people are committed to the army in some capacity for five years, hesder culture is deeply influenced by army life. During their army service, many hesder men spend at least part of their vacation leave at yeshiva, their second home. Yeshiva is a place that “It helps us figure out who we want to be and how to live. It’s our spiritual food,” Lupa reflected.

The IDF has strict rules for active soldiers on leave. When they take their gun home, which combat soldiers must do, they must either wear it on their person at all times or else double lock their gun and the magazine- separately- in a safe in a locked room or closet.

When people revisit yeshiva, many of them feel uncomfortable leaving their guns in their yeshiva dorm rooms. Instead, they have their gun at their person at all times- even while they’re learning in the beit midrash, the sacred hall of Torah study.

To outsiders, this creates an odd scene in hesder study halls. “In Gush,” a nickname often given to one of the largest hesder yeshivot, Yeshivat Har Etzion, “it is not uncommon at all to see guns around the beit midrash,” explained Rabbi Jonathan Ziring, who is learning in the post rabbinic studies program at the yeshiva. “People are always tripping over M16s.”

These M16s belong to both soldiers on leave and the 4th and 5th year students who returned to yeshiva post army to complete their commitment, like Katz will next summer. During this time, they are not on active duty, but they have different kinds of army responsibilities. They have, for instance, shmira, guard duty rotations around their yeshivot, most of which are located in occupied territories or disputed land.

This experience holds true in Katz’s home yeshiva, HaKotel. In the white and wooden walled beit midrash, the large windows and wooden tables are no stranger to soldiers and reservists alike. “It’s normal to see soldiers with their guns, of course!” Katz said.

Katz is a dedicated hesder member, and respects all Jews. He values the ultra-Orthodox’s dedication to God and Torah—he has a similar dedication. But just because they have the same God and sacred text, doesn’t mean they agree on everything “They view army service so differently than I do,” Katz said of the ultra-Orthodox and their protest against the draft bill. “I don’t know if they’re right or wrong, but I don’t agree.”

The ultra-Orthodox disagree with hesder too, not just the army, though they dislike the program for different reasons than secular Israelis like Shelah. They fundamentally differ in opinion with the religious Zionist’s approach to connecting Torah and the state. That is why they protested so vehemently against the Equal Service Bill, which seeks to draft 5,200 ultra-Orthodox recruits, about 60 percent of those of draft age, by 2017.

Amit Hamelnik, a 19 year old soldier stationed at Jesus’ Baptismal site on the Jordan River just outside of Jericho, resents the ultra-Orthodox for evading army service. “It’s not fair. Just do a little bit!” he said as Christian tourists asked him for a photo near the baptismal site. “At least have them do national civil service, just something. At least for an hour, for a day—just help out.”

This elusiveness got the ultra-Orthodox into the draft problems in the first place. Initially, their deferments started out small. In the state’s fledgling decades, former Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion agreed to give 400 draft exemptions for full-time yeshiva students in order to repopulate the rabbinic population that had been wiped out during the Holocaust. Those 400 slowly increased until 1977 when Menachem Begin was elected. At the urging of his ultra-Orthodox coalition partners, Begin extended draft exemptions to anyone enrolled in a yeshiva.

In the decades that followed, the number of ultra-Orthodox men who worked to earn a living declined markedly, and the number engaged in full-time studies who received state support rose dramatically. Today, only an estimated 40 percent of ultra-Orthodox men are gainfully employed, and the ultra-Orthodox remain the poorest group in Israel’s Jewish population.

Now, while young men like Hamelnik wear the olive colored IDF uniforms throughout their conscripted service, the ultra-Orthodox have their own uniform—white shirts, black pants, and black skull caps, which sets them apart from the rest of the population, and, for their critics, serves as a way to identify them as the people to resent.

Though hesder ideologues also learn in yeshiva, Hamelnik, a secular Israeli, doesn’t resent them. On the contrary, “They balance religion and responsibility—it is admirable.”

Caption TK (Photo from Shimon Peres' Facebook Page)

Israel President Shimon Peres and IDF Chief Benny Gantz award an orthodox solider an achievement award, one of 120 soldiers awarded on Israeli Independence Day. (Photo by Chaim Tzach, via Shimon Peres Facebook page)

Israel President Shimon Peres and IDF Cheif Benny Gantz award an orthodox solider an achievement award, one of 120 soldiers awarded on Israeli Independence Day. Photographer: Chaim Tzach, courtesy of Shimon Peres Facebook page

Israel President Shimon Peres and IDF Cheif Benny Gantz award an orthodox solider an achievement award, one of 120 soldiers awarded on Israeli Independence Day. Photographer: Chaim Tzach, courtesy of Shimon Peres Facebook page

It has been suggested that, in light of the draft bill, which necessitates ultra-Orthodox serving in the army, the ultra-Orthodox adapt the hesder model for themselves. It could, perhaps, be a way for them to balance their faith in God and their duty to protect, another biblical commandment.

The ultra-Orthodox leaders adamantly refuse this suggestion on the grounds that they protect the land by studying God’s words in yeshiva, and that serving in inclusive units with non religious soldiers may cause ultra-Orthodox men to lose their spiritual way. This, however, this is unrealistic in today’s political climate.

Ideally there would be no need for a mandatory army draft, but because that is not the case in Israel, hesder has become the new ideal. Even its supporters, see it as an accommodation, not an ideal. “Hesder is a compromise with reality,” wrote Rabbi Aharon Lichtenstein, the rosh yeshiva of Yeshivat Har Etzion, in his article explaining the program, The Ideology of Hesder.

Lichtenstein doesn’t believe in military lifestyle—herding people around with guns, for instance—and that’s what he’s talking about here. His argument seems like it could suit the ultra-Orthodox community, especially now.

(Lead Photo: Soldiers praying beside an armored personal carrier unit. Photo by David Choresh via Wikimedia Commons)

A community that fears God but not the state

A Haredi man reads from the Torah at the Western Wall in the Old City of Jerusalem. (The Land/Kali Kotoski)

JERUSALEM — The ultra-Orthodox neighborhood of Mea She’arim often seems walled off and fortified, almost like a city unto itself. Signs in Hebrew and English remind visitors that the neighborhood is not a tourist site; they ask that women dress modestly and that photography should be avoided. The streets are narrow. The entrances leading down into the inner courtyard where the majority of the residents live, are unmarked and easily hidden. When this community was first built in 1874, entrances were gated and locked to keep the outside world at bay while a community was left to tradition, religion and God. But even though the locks and gates are long gone, the sense of insularity remains.

However, with the recent “draft law” passed in early March by the Israeli Knesset by vote of 65-1, with opposition leaders in abstention, the ultra-Orthodox believe that their historic way of life is under attack. The bill will change the exemption the ultra-Orthodox men and women have customarily used since the founding of Israel in 1948 to circumvent service in the Israeli Defense Forces, or IDF.

During a rally on Sunday, Mar. 1, a reported 300,000 ultra-Orthodox men protested the legislation calling it an abomination. They clogged the streets of Jerusalem in a show of defiance.

Although the law has since passed, the devotion towards rebellion is still brewing at the surface. The ultra-Orthodox are know as Haredim, Hebrew for those who fear God. They fear God but they do not fear the State, as the law would punish those who would be considered draft dodgers.

At Manny’s Bookstore in Mea She’arim, Marlene Samuel works behind the engraving counter where she delicately cuts sheets of gold and silver paper to stamp customers names into books. She is a short wiry 64-year-old French woman who looks down through her thick glasses as she arranges the copper letters on a press. Depending on what has been engraved into the leather book cover thus far, she chooses a precious metal to match. Her bracelets resonate as she makes swift concentrated movements.

A Haredi man looks on while immigrant workers fix electrical conduit in the ultra-Orthodox neighborhood of Mea Sha’rim. (The Land/Kali Kotoski)

“In a democracy a secular government can’t force young Yeshiva boys into the military,” she said as her husband looked on from the payment counter. Yeshiva is a Jewish school, or seminary, that focuses on the study of the Torah and Talmud. To the Haredi community, the study of the Torah is the highest station of worldly existence. The vast majority of ultra-Orthodox men in Israel devote their early adulthood and sometimes beyond that to learning the laws of God, which results in their reluctance, or downright refusal, to take part in military service. Haredi women also do not serve in the army, although they are more likely to find work outside of the home to support their families. Some Haredi men find employment in shops and businesses within the community to supplement their wives’ income.

Samuel echoed a popular Haredi position when she added: “The army should be a professional army. They should have better pay and the draft should be abolished.”

A female customer, who would not give her name, spoke up confrontationally, “But the Haredi don’t work and they make the woman do all work. What do the Haredi contribute to Israel?”

But Samuel came to their defense. “The Torah is the driving force that has kept Jews together over thousands of years. This law undermines what it means to be Jewish.”

Samuel went on to say how the rift that has been formed within Israeli and Jewish society is a polarization that has been coming from the far left. In her opinion this law will only further fragment the country by pushing the left and right further away from each other. “It will make unity impossible and these are dangerous times for Jews.”

One of primary schisms between mainstream Israelis and ultra-Orthodox Jews is over the identity of the Jewish state, how to propagate the state, and the welfare of the state.

Avi Shafran, a Haredi rabbi who is director of public affairs at Agudath Israeli of America, drew a distinction between nationalism and religion. “The Haredi community in Israel is dedicated above all to Judaism, and so other values like nationalism, which is not a religious one, holds no great importance,” he said.

When the Jewish state was founded on Zionist-secular-socialist principles, the Haredi population was exempt because it was believed that their culture and tradition would fade away through the impact of modernity. They were deemed to be an apolitical minority. Yet, the trends have changed.

Within Israel there is a reported population of 750,000 Haredi Jews out of a total population of 7.5 million. They have an annual growth rate of 6 percent. A projection by the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics forecasts that the Haredi population of Israel could number 1.1 million in 2019. Haredi families have an average of 6.7 children, which is three times the national average, according to the Brookdale Institute.

“The argument for drafting Haredim is based on things like sharing the burden and normalizing Haredi society. It is an affront to their culture, or, better, an attempt at social engineering,” said Shafran. To him it is manipulation by the state that is a direct affront to God. The ideal of nationalism is something that the Haredi do not hold as an ideal. Haredim see the Jew’s purpose in life as keeping to the Torah’s laws, acts of kindness, giving charity, studying the Torah and creating Jewish families to further those religious ideals.

Two children at a Haredi day school in the ultra-Orthodox neighborhood of Mea Sha’rim. (The Land/Kali Kotoski)

According to Shafran the only way to bring about social change and integration, would be if the rabbis supported a grassroots legislation that did not break any rabbinical laws. However, he does not see this happening because the politics behind change has made the Haredim feel marginalized to the extent that they will resist the state, at all costs, even to the extent of widespread civil disobedience.

“The entire attempt to draft the Haredi is misguided,” he said.

Outside of Manny’s Bookstore school had just been released and young girls in long dresses walk with their backpacks over their shoulders. A Haredi man looked on as two foreign workers on a ladder cut the metal sheathing for electrical wires as the sparks fall to the ground and coolly disappear. There were clotheslines stretched loosely across above the street from balcony to balcony. A woman was hanging damp clothes in the sun. Droplets of water fell down to the street.

Moishon dov Freedlander had finished his studies and was walking along the street, stopping to read the posters that are plastered all over the corrugated sheet metal fencing. He is a 20-year-old yeshiva student who was born in New Jersey, but who moved to Jerusalem with the rest of his family when he was two. He has only known a life in Israel.

“If they try to draft me I will just move back to America. I will stay there until I am 26 or 27. They can’t make me serve in the army and break my Torah studies,” he said.

 

Daily Dispatch 7: Saying Goodbye to the Holy Land

Photo: A phone call at the Dome of the Rock. Credit: Evan Simko-Bednarski

JERUSALEM — Before we arrived  in the Holy Land, Professor Goldman encouraged us to  travel in three capacities: As tourists, as pilgrims, and most importantly, as journalists. The  eighth and final day  of our Israel journey was emblematic of these complex identities and  afforded us a chance to reflect on our travels. Read more