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Since 1980, the prison population has grown by about 800 percent while the countrya€™s population has increased by only a third.
The origin of this unseemly record is in our panic about the explosion of addiction in the early 1980s. There is now an awakening to the desperate situation we created (out of the best of motives).
The success has been stunning, and the example has been followed by more than a dozen states.
While we have to be tough on crime, we also have to be just as tough on criminal justice spending, reserving expensive prison beds for career criminals and violent felons, with the aim of getting the most public safety from more efficient expenditure of taxpayer dollars.
If we do not support the initiatives to reform the system, the verdict could only be: Guilty of waste and injustice. Crack cocaine is the crystal form of cocaine, which normally comes in a powder form.1 It comes in solid blocks or crystals varying in color from yellow to pale rose or white. Smoking crack allows it to reach the brain more quickly and thus brings an intense and immediate—but very short-lived—high that lasts about fifteen minutes. Because of cocaine’s high cost, it has long been considered a “rich man’s drug.” Crack, on the other hand, is sold at prices so low that even teens can afford to buy it—at first.
Alcohol, heroin and marijuana had already been wrecking lives, but a tipping point was passed when crack cocaine transformed addiction into a national catastrophe. First-time offenders found guilty of possessing a few grams of crack received a five-year mandatory minimum sentence, and if they were part of a a€?continuing criminal enterprise,a€? that minimum sentence jumped to 20 years. It is manifest in Congress, which has a bipartisan bill before it, and, vitally, in the states, which have six times as many prisoners as the federal government.
It is ridiculous to put someone away for 25 years for selling a few pain pills to a colleague. Great social gains have been made by investing the savings from bricks and mortar in more and better-paid caseworkers, who are usually overwhelmed. The Wall Street Journal reported in February that a Bard College program started in 1999 that offers courses in six New York prisons has brought the recidivism rate down to 4 percent, compared to 40 percent statewide. Funding is required for the more than 650,000 prisoners who are released every year into society. Otherwise, if crime rates start to increase, fear will provoke the American public to once again want to throw everybody into prison.

We also should return the control of significant discretionary dollars for criminal justice to local authorities, who can oversee low-level offenders. It is easy for opponents to argue that the deterrent effect of imprisonment would thereby be reduced and that some of the released offenders may well commit additional crimes.
We want those who have committed murder, assault, robbery, rape and battery to be put firmly where they cannot hurt society again, but the pendulum has swung too far towards being unthinkingly tough without consideration of what works. The Pew Research Center reports that 67 percent of people say the government should be willing to treat people who use illegal drugs; only 26 percent say we should focus on prosecution. And because addiction can develop even more rapidly if the substance is smoked rather than snorted (taken in through the nose), an abuser can become addicted after his or her first time trying crack.
The truth is that once a person is addicted, the expense skyrockets in direct ratio to the increasing amount needed to support the habit.
I loved that addict, who was my boyfriend, with all my heart but I couldn’t stick [with] it anymore. No wonder drug offenders account for nearly half of federal prisoners and, as The Economist reported last summer, a€?federal prisons today house nearly 40 percent more inmates than they were designed for.a€? The inflexible sentencing rules inflict punishments that no reasonable judge would impose a€“ and the system turns out people more harmful to society than when they went in.
He seeks to reset the sentencing policies for federal judges, and reduce sentences for such crimes by an average of nearly a year. It is hardheaded realism: Prison systems cost the states more than $50 billion a year, Viguerie reported, up from about $9 billion in 1985.
It helps that we now have access to technology that can enhance supervision, like ankle bracelets with GPS and ATM-style check-in stations.
We must understand that prisons have become a training ground for thuggery and criminality, and that nonviolent offenders should be held inside a minimum security prison or even sentenced to home confinement. Recidivism is indeed an issue, but research has shown that half of all parolees are sent back to prison for minor violations like missing meetings with the parole officer. More than 60 percent believe ita€™s appropriate that states move away from mandatory prison sentences for nonviolent drug offenders.
And herea€™s another shocker: Nonviolent offenders account for 90 percent of federal prisoners. Thieves, fraud artists and tax evaders might well be released earlier, subject to more severe penalties if they offend again.
Diverting drug users to treatment allows a focus on the problems that provoke their behavior rather than simply punishment.

We need programs that improve the odds that a released felon will have options besides unemployment, homelessness or a return to crime.
Think of how the billions of dollars spent on building prisons have been siphoned from building roads, hospitals, schools and airports. About half of the children had an Individualized Education Plan, signaling presence of a disability.
It is that they are in prison mainly because we have criminalized vast areas of conduct involving nonviolent offenders and compounded that with a distorted system of sentencing. A Department of Justice sentencing panel is about to propose an amendment to federal guidelines with the idea of retaining severe penalties for dangerous and violent drug traffickers while reducing the sentencing ranges for low-level nonviolent drug offenders without connections to gangs or large-scale drug organizations. Enlisting family members to ensure an improved outcome once a relative leaves prison is one proven program. Special courts would also help; they could hear the cases of first-time nonviolent drug offenders to determine a suitable sentence. Holder also wishes to release more elderly federal inmates earlier and to increase the efforts to help ex-convicts re-enter society. Savings of approximately $2 billion were achieved in projected corrections spending increases, Viguerie wrote. Rick Nauert has over 25 years experience in clinical, administrative and academic healthcare.
The incarceration rate has fallen nearly 20 percent, and Texas now has its lowest crime rate since 1968.
He is currently an associate professor for Rocky Mountain University of Health Professionals doctoral program in health promotion and wellness. Nauert began his career as a clinical physical therapist and served as a regional manager for a publicly traded multidisciplinary rehabilitation agency for 12 years. He has masters degrees in health-fitness management and healthcare administration and a doctoral degree from The University of Texas at Austin focused on health care informatics, health administration, health education and health policy. His research efforts included the area of telehealth with a specialty in disease management.

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