Ways to prevent teenage pregnancy in the philippines

Council, Growing up global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries, 2005). Virtually all of the growth of single-parent families in recent decades has been driven by an increase in births outside marriage. Third, although almost all single mothers face major challenges in raising their children alone, teen mothers are especially disadvantaged. Fourth, the children of teen mothers face far greater problems than those born to older mothers.
A requirement that states set goals and take actions to reduce out-of-wedlock pregnancies, with special emphasis on teen pregnancies. Research attempting to establish a link between one or more of these provisions and teen out-of-wedlock childbearing has, for the most part, failed to find a clear relationship.
Teen birthrates had also declined in the 1970s and early 1980s but in this earlier period all of the decline was due to increased abortion. Given that four out of five teen births are to an unwed mother, this drop in the teen birthrate contributed to the leveling off of the proportion of children born outside marriage after 1994 (figure 2). Although the immediate causes of the decline-less sex and more contraception-are relatively well established, it is less clear what might have motivated teens to choose either one. Some of these factors have undoubtedly interacted, making it difficult to ever sort out their separate effects. The growth of public and private efforts to combat teen pregnancy may have also played a role, as suggested by surveys conducted by the National Governors' Association, the General Accounting Office, the American Public Human Services Association, and most recently and comprehensively, by Child Trends.
The short answer is "yes, some do." Based on a careful review of the scholarly literature completed by Douglas Kirby of ETR Associates in Santa Cruz, California, a number of rigorously evaluated programs have been found to reduce pregnancy rates.
In an attempt to influence these attitudes and behaviors, several national organizations as well as numerous states have turned to the media for assistance. Research assessing the effectiveness of media campaigns is less extensive and less widely known than research evaluating community-based programs, but it shows that they, too, can be effective. At first appearance, the finding by Rebecca Maynard that each teen mother costs the government an average of $3,200 per year suggests that government could spend as much as $3,200 per teen girl on teen pregnancy prevention and break even in the process. Here is a simple but useful method to estimate how much money could be spent on teen pregnancy prevention programs and still realize benefits that exceed costs. Implications for Welfare Reform Reauthorization Research and experience over the last decade suggest several lessons for the administration and Congress as they consider reauthorization of the 1996 welfare reform legislation. First, the emphasis in the current law on time limits, work, and child support enforcement should be maintained. Second, the federal government should fund a national resource center to collect and disseminate information about what works to prevent teen pregnancy. Fourth, adequate resources should be provided to states to prevent teen pregnancy, without specifying the means for achieving this goal. These steps have the potential to maintain the progress made over the past decade in reducing teen and out-of-wedlock pregnancies. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Divorce rates have leveled off or declined modestly since the early 1980s and thus have not contributed to the rising proportion of children being raised by only one parent nor to the increase in child poverty and welfare dependence associated with the rise in single-parent families. Thus, the pattern tends to start in the teenage years, and, once teens have had a first child outside marriage, many go on to have additional children out of wedlock at an older age. A 1997 study by Rebecca Maynard of Mathematica Policy Research in Princeton, New Jersey, found that, after controlling for differences between teen mothers and mothers aged 20 or 21 when they had their first child, teen childbearing costs taxpayers more than $7 billion a year or $3,200 a year for each teenage birth, conservatively estimated.
They are more likely to have dropped out of school and are less likely to be able to support themselves. According to this research, many of the disadvantages accruing to early childbearers are related to their own disadvantaged backgrounds. If the reason we care about stemming the growth of single-parent families is the consequences for children, and if the age of the mother is as important as her marital status, then focusing solely on marital status would be unwise.
The fact that these declines predated the enactment of federal welfare reform suggests that they were caused by other factors.
Significantly, all of the teen birthrate decreases in the 1990s were due to fewer pregnancies, not more abortions. Up until the 1990s, despite some progress in convincing teens to use contraception, teen pregnancy rates continued to rise because an increasing number of teens were becoming sexually active at an early age, thereby putting themselves at risk of pregnancy.
More specifically, if teen birthrates had held at the levels reached in the early 1990s, by 1999 this proportion would have been more than a full percentage point higher. However, many experts believe it was some combination of greater public and private efforts to prevent teen pregnancy, the new messages about work and child support embedded in welfare reform, more conservative attitudes among the young, fear of AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases, the availability of more effective forms of contraception, and perhaps the strong economy. For example, fear of AIDS may have made teenagers-males in particular, for whom pregnancy has traditionally been of less concern-more cautious and willing to listen to new messages. The Child Trends study, conducted by Richard Wertheimer and his associates at the Urban Institute, surveyed all 50 states in both 1997 and 1999. More importantly, the line between abstinence only and more comprehensive sex education that advocates abstinence but also teaches about contraception is increasingly blurred.

Indeed, only 10 percent of teens report they have participated in such a program (outside of school), while on average teens spend more than 38 hours a week exposed to various forms of entertainment media.
Between 1997 and 1999 alone, the number of states conducting media campaigns increased from 15 to 36. A meta-analysis of 48 different health-related media campaigns from smoking cessation to AIDS prevention by Leslie Snyder of the University of Connecticut found that, on average, such campaigns caused 7 to 10 percent of those exposed to the campaign to change their behavior (relative to those in a control group). Until recently, little information was available about the best ways to prevent teen pregnancy. Surveys of both adults and teens reveal strong support for abstinence as the preferred standard of behavior for school-age youth, and they want teens to hear this message. In addition, states that work successfully to reduce teen pregnancy should be rewarded for their efforts.
Too many public officials and community leaders have assumed that if they could just find the right program, teen pregnancy rates would be reduced. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public.
For this reason, some argue that a focus on teens fails to address the real problem and that much more attention needs to be given to preventing childbearing, or raising marriage rates, among single women who have already entered their adult years. A number of programs aimed at preventing subsequent births to teen mothers have been launched but few have had much success. Only one out of every five teen mothers receives any support from their child's father, and about 80 percent end up on welfare. This research suggests that it would be unwise to attribute all of the problems faced by teen mothers to the timing of the birth per se. Not only are mothers who defer childbearing more likely to marry, but with or without marriage, their children will be better off.
However, it is worth noting that many states began to reform their welfare systems earlier in the decade under waivers from the federal government, so we cannot be sure. More recently, both better contraceptive use and less sex have contributed to the lowering of rates. Thus, a focus on teenagers has a major role to play in future reductions of both out-of-wedlock childbearing and the growth of single-parent families. The survey shows that states have dramatically increased their efforts to reduce teen pregnancy (figure 3).
What matters is not so much the label but rather what a particular program includes, what the teacher believes, and how that plays out in the classroom. By themselves, teen pregnancy prevention programs cannot change prevailing social norms or attitudes that influence teen sexual behavior. Typically, such campaigns use both print and electronic media to reach large numbers of young people with messages designed to change their behavior. As with community-based programs, media campaigns vary enormously in their effectiveness and need to be designed with care. We first have to adjust the $3,200 estimate for the fact that not all teen girls will get pregnant and give birth without the intervention program.
States and communities had no way of learning about each other's efforts and teens themselves had no ready source of information about the risks of pregnancy and the consequences of early unprotected sex. At the same time, a majority is in favor of making birth control services and information available to teens who are sexually active. A strong argument can be made that the federal government should specify the outcomes it wants to achieve but not prescribe the means for achieving them. Although there are now a number of programs that have proved effective, the burden of reducing teen pregnancy should not rest on programs alone.
The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. The children of teen mothers are more likely than the children of older mothers to be born prematurely at low birth weight and to suffer a variety of health problems as a consequence.
In addition, the declines appear to have accelerated in the second half of the decade after welfare reform was enacted. The Ku study also linked this shift in adolescent male attitudes to a change in their behavior.
These efforts include everything from the formation of statewide task forces to more emphasis on sex education in the public schools and statewide media campaigns. The other includes a range of services such as tutoring and career counseling along with sex education and reproductive health services.
A strong abstinence message is totally consistent with public values, but the idea that the federal government can, or should, rigidly prescribe what goes on in the classroom through detailed curricular guidelines makes little sense. The increase in teen pregnancy rates between the early 1970s and 1990 was largely the result of a change in attitudes about the appropriateness of early premarital sex, especially for young women. Such messages can be delivered via public service announcements (PSAs) or by working with the media to incorporate more responsible content into their ongoing programming.
But existing evidence suggests that they are a good way to reach large numbers of teens inexpensively.

We know that about 40 percent of teen girls become pregnant and about half of these (or 20 percent) give birth. Some private organizations have attempted to fill the gap without much help from public sources. In addition, few expect all unmarried adults in their twenties to abstain from sex until marriage. This is especially important given some uncertainty about the effectiveness of different programs and strategies, and the diversity of opinion about the best way to proceed.
Rather, we should build on the fledgling efforts undertaken at the state and national level over the past five years to fund a broad-based, sophisticated media campaign to reduce teen pregnancy. They are more likely to do poorly in school, to suffer higher rates of abuse and neglect, and to end up in foster care with all its attendant costs. And finally, most of the decline in the early 1990s was the result of a decrease in second or higher order births to women who were already teen mothers.
Although such efforts have been greatly expanded in recent years, they are still relatively small. As more and more teen girls put themselves at risk of an early pregnancy, pregnancy rates rose. Most state efforts rely on PSA campaigns but several national organizations are working with the entertainment industry to affect content. This adjustment yields the estimate that $640 (20 percent multiplied by $3,200) might be saved by a universal prevention program. These messages may be far more important than any specific provisions aimed at increasing marriage or reducing out-of-wedlock childbearing, and their effects are likely to cumulate over time.
And since a large proportion of non-marital births occurs in this age group, and a significant number of teens continue to be sexually active, education about and access to reproductive health services remains important through Title X of the Public Health Service Act, the Medicaid program, and other federal and state programs.
It suggests the wisdom of retaining a block grant structure for TANF and avoiding earmarks for specific programs.
These funds should support not only public service ads but also various nongovernmental efforts to work in partnership with the entertainment industry to promote more responsible content. Although commonplace as recently as the 1950s, early marriage is no longer a sensible strategy in a society where decent jobs increasingly require a high level of education and where half of teen marriages end in divorce.
This decrease was related in part to the popularity of new and more effective methods of birth control among this group. State spending on teen pregnancy prevention averages only about $8 a year per teenaged girl. More recently, efforts to encourage teens to take a pledge not to have sex before marriage have had some success in delaying the onset of sex. This does not mean the federal government should not reward states that achieve certain objectives, such as an increase in the proportion of children living in two-parent families, a decline in the non-marital birth ratio, or a decline in the teen pregnancy or birth rate. These media efforts can work in tandem with effective sex education and more expensive and intensive community level programs targeted to high-risk youth. If we want to ensure that more children grow up in stable two-parent families, we must first ensure that more women reach adulthood before they have children. As a result, even if married, these women face much higher rates of poverty and dependence on government assistance than those who avoid an early birth.
It was not until the second half of the decade that a significant drop in first births to teens occurred. In addition to being small, such efforts may or may not be effective in preventing pregnancy.
Based on data reviewed by Douglas Kirby and by Leslie Snyder, a good estimate is that about one out of every ten girls enrolled in a program or reached by a media campaign might change her behavior in a way that delayed pregnancy beyond her teen years.
Reducing early childbearing may be one of the most effective ways of increasing the proportion of children born to, and raised by, a married couple.
This second adjustment yields the estimate that universal programs would produce a benefit of 10 percent of $640 or about $64 per participant. But states should decide on the best way to achieve these outcomes, subject only to the caveat that they base their efforts on reliable evidence about what works. As the Wertheimer survey showed, actual spending on teen pregnancy prevention programs in the entire nation now averages about $8 per teenage girl. The evidence presented above suggests that states should be spending roughly eight times as much as they are now on teen pregnancy prevention.
If the potential savings are $64 per teenage female while actual current spending is only $8 per teenage female, government is clearly missing an opportunity for productive investments in prevention programs. In fact, these calculations-while rough-suggest that government could spend up to eight times ($64 divided by $8) as much as is currently being spent and still break even.

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