20.05.2014

Facts about teen pregnancy in california

California has seen a sharp decline in the number of teen pregnancies in the state, from about 70 percent of women between 15- and 19-years-old in 1991 to less than 36 percent in 2008. Unlike many states, California has several approaches to curb teen pregnancy, including counseling, contraceptives, abstinence only-programs and state-funded abortions for unwanted pregnancies.
First, although a large proportion of non-marital births is to adult women, half of first non-marital births are to teens.
Third, although almost all single mothers face major challenges in raising their children alone, teen mothers are especially disadvantaged.
Fourth, the children of teen mothers face far greater problems than those born to older mothers. A requirement that states set goals and take actions to reduce out-of-wedlock pregnancies, with special emphasis on teen pregnancies. Research attempting to establish a link between one or more of these provisions and teen out-of-wedlock childbearing has, for the most part, failed to find a clear relationship. Teen birthrates had also declined in the 1970s and early 1980s but in this earlier period all of the decline was due to increased abortion. Given that four out of five teen births are to an unwed mother, this drop in the teen birthrate contributed to the leveling off of the proportion of children born outside marriage after 1994 (figure 2). Although the immediate causes of the decline-less sex and more contraception-are relatively well established, it is less clear what might have motivated teens to choose either one. Some of these factors have undoubtedly interacted, making it difficult to ever sort out their separate effects. The growth of public and private efforts to combat teen pregnancy may have also played a role, as suggested by surveys conducted by the National Governors' Association, the General Accounting Office, the American Public Human Services Association, and most recently and comprehensively, by Child Trends.
The short answer is "yes, some do." Based on a careful review of the scholarly literature completed by Douglas Kirby of ETR Associates in Santa Cruz, California, a number of rigorously evaluated programs have been found to reduce pregnancy rates.
At first appearance, the finding by Rebecca Maynard that each teen mother costs the government an average of $3,200 per year suggests that government could spend as much as $3,200 per teen girl on teen pregnancy prevention and break even in the process.
Here is a simple but useful method to estimate how much money could be spent on teen pregnancy prevention programs and still realize benefits that exceed costs. Second, the federal government should fund a national resource center to collect and disseminate information about what works to prevent teen pregnancy.
Third, Congress should send a strong abstinence message coupled with education about contraception.
Fourth, adequate resources should be provided to states to prevent teen pregnancy, without specifying the means for achieving this goal.
These steps have the potential to maintain the progress made over the past decade in reducing teen and out-of-wedlock pregnancies. Objectives - This report presents detailed pregnancy rates for teenagers 15-19 years, for 1990-2002, updating a national series of rates begun in 1976. Methods - Tabular and graphical data on pregnancies and pregnancy rates for teenagers 15-19 years by age, race, and Hispanic origin are presented and briefly described. Results - In 2002, an estimated 757,000 pregnancies among teenagers 15-19 years resulted in 425,000 live births, 215,000 induced abortions, and 117,000 fetal losses. An estimated 757,000 pregnancies among teenagers 15-19 years ended in 2002, 9 percent fewer than in 2000 (834,000) and about one-fourth fewer than the peak number estimated for 1990, 1,017,000 (Table 1 [PDF - 33 KB]).
Teenage pregnancy rates continued to decline since 2000 (the most recent year for which data were previously available), dropping 10 percent overall between 2000 and 2002. This Health e-stat summarizes the overall trends in pregnancy for teenagers 15-19 years for the years 1990-2002, updating the most recent report of pregnancy estimates that included 1990-2000 (2). Pregnancy rates for black and white non-Hispanic teenagers dropped by about 40 percent each during 1990-2002, whereas the rate for Hispanic teenagers fell about 19 percent (Table 2 [PDF - 33 KB] and Figure 4).
Pregnancy rates for black teenagers were substantially higher than for white or Hispanic teenagers in 1990. Rates for all components of pregnancy among teenagers have fallen since 1990 (Table 2 [PDF - 33 KB]).
The pregnancy estimates in this report and previous reports from this series are the sums of live births, induced abortions, and fetal losses.
Induced abortions - Abortion data in this report are national estimates based on abortion surveillance information collected from most states by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion (NCCDPHP), which are adjusted to national totals compiled by The Guttmacher Institute (AGI) from their surveys of all known abortion providers (7,8,9). Meanwhile, the number of teen pregnancies in the rest of the nation has declined somewhat, but has remained steady in the last few years. I must want to congratulate the counselors who have done this job to create the awareness in teen agers. I must want to caillou izle congratulate the counselors turkce ben 10 izle who have done this job to create the awareness in teen agers. I think this is good news considering some shows now show teen girls and children for realty tv.
From this post I learned couple of new things and facts for which I can say that probably will be useful for future .
Thus, the pattern tends to start in the teenage years, and, once teens have had a first child outside marriage, many go on to have additional children out of wedlock at an older age.
A 1997 study by Rebecca Maynard of Mathematica Policy Research in Princeton, New Jersey, found that, after controlling for differences between teen mothers and mothers aged 20 or 21 when they had their first child, teen childbearing costs taxpayers more than $7 billion a year or $3,200 a year for each teenage birth, conservatively estimated. If the reason we care about stemming the growth of single-parent families is the consequences for children, and if the age of the mother is as important as her marital status, then focusing solely on marital status would be unwise. The fact that these declines predated the enactment of federal welfare reform suggests that they were caused by other factors.


Significantly, all of the teen birthrate decreases in the 1990s were due to fewer pregnancies, not more abortions.
Up until the 1990s, despite some progress in convincing teens to use contraception, teen pregnancy rates continued to rise because an increasing number of teens were becoming sexually active at an early age, thereby putting themselves at risk of pregnancy. More specifically, if teen birthrates had held at the levels reached in the early 1990s, by 1999 this proportion would have been more than a full percentage point higher. However, many experts believe it was some combination of greater public and private efforts to prevent teen pregnancy, the new messages about work and child support embedded in welfare reform, more conservative attitudes among the young, fear of AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases, the availability of more effective forms of contraception, and perhaps the strong economy. For example, fear of AIDS may have made teenagers-males in particular, for whom pregnancy has traditionally been of less concern-more cautious and willing to listen to new messages. More importantly, the line between abstinence only and more comprehensive sex education that advocates abstinence but also teaches about contraception is increasingly blurred. Indeed, only 10 percent of teens report they have participated in such a program (outside of school), while on average teens spend more than 38 hours a week exposed to various forms of entertainment media.
But, of course, not all girls become teen mothers and programs addressing this problem are not 100 percent effective so a lot of this money would be wasted on girls who do not need services and on programs that are less than fully effective.
Until recently, little information was available about the best ways to prevent teen pregnancy. Surveys of both adults and teens reveal strong support for abstinence as the preferred standard of behavior for school-age youth, and they want teens to hear this message. In addition, states that work successfully to reduce teen pregnancy should be rewarded for their efforts.
Too many public officials and community leaders have assumed that if they could just find the right program, teen pregnancy rates would be reduced.
Information on teenage pregnancies by pregnancy outcome is presented, including complete counts of live births and estimates of induced abortions and fetal losses. The 2002 total included 425,000 live births and an estimated 215,000 induced abortions and 117,000 fetal losses.
Pregnancy rates for white and black non-Hispanic teenagers declined fairly steadily through the period 1990-2002; the decline for Hispanic teenagers began after 1994. By 2002, the rates for black and Hispanic teenagers were very similar and were each more than two and one-half times the rate for non-Hispanic white teenagers (Figure 4). The birth rate dropped 28 percent from 1990 to 2002, whereas the abortion rate declined 46 percent.
Trends in pregnancies and pregnancy rates by outcome: Estimates for the United States, 1976-96 [PDF - 348 KB].
In 2002, the NCCDPHP abortion surveillance system collected data on abortions by age for 47 states, the District of Columbia, and New York City. For this reason, some argue that a focus on teens fails to address the real problem and that much more attention needs to be given to preventing childbearing, or raising marriage rates, among single women who have already entered their adult years.
A number of programs aimed at preventing subsequent births to teen mothers have been launched but few have had much success. Only one out of every five teen mothers receives any support from their child's father, and about 80 percent end up on welfare. This research suggests that it would be unwise to attribute all of the problems faced by teen mothers to the timing of the birth per se. Thus, a focus on teenagers has a major role to play in future reductions of both out-of-wedlock childbearing and the growth of single-parent families. The survey shows that states have dramatically increased their efforts to reduce teen pregnancy (figure 3).
One is a program that involves teens in community service with adult supervision and counseling.
By themselves, teen pregnancy prevention programs cannot change prevailing social norms or attitudes that influence teen sexual behavior.
We first have to adjust the $3,200 estimate for the fact that not all teen girls will get pregnant and give birth without the intervention program. States and communities had no way of learning about each other's efforts and teens themselves had no ready source of information about the risks of pregnancy and the consequences of early unprotected sex.
At the same time, a majority is in favor of making birth control services and information available to teens who are sexually active.
Although there are now a number of programs that have proved effective, the burden of reducing teen pregnancy should not rest on programs alone. The estimate for 2002 represents a record low for the Nation, the fewest reported since this series of national pregnancy estimates began in 1976 (1,2). The estimated rate for 1990, 116.8 pregnancies per 1,000 women aged 15-19 years, was the highest ever reported over the period 1976-2002. More detailed data on the changes and variations in pregnancies and pregnancy rates for all females 10-44 years of age will be presented in a forthcoming report. During 1990-2000, the rate fell about 4 percent per year while during 2000-02, the rate dropped 6.5 percent annually. Not every parent can talk to their teenagers and explain the risks of having intercourse at such a young age.
But even after taking background characteristics into account, other research documents that teen mothers are less likely to finish high school, less likely to ever marry, and more likely to have additional children outside marriage. The children of teen mothers are more likely than the children of older mothers to be born prematurely at low birth weight and to suffer a variety of health problems as a consequence. The increase in teen pregnancy rates between the early 1970s and 1990 was largely the result of a change in attitudes about the appropriateness of early premarital sex, especially for young women.


But existing evidence suggests that they are a good way to reach large numbers of teens inexpensively.
We know that about 40 percent of teen girls become pregnant and about half of these (or 20 percent) give birth. This is especially important given some uncertainty about the effectiveness of different programs and strategies, and the diversity of opinion about the best way to proceed. Rather, we should build on the fledgling efforts undertaken at the state and national level over the past five years to fund a broad-based, sophisticated media campaign to reduce teen pregnancy.
Rates for young teenagers declined relatively more than for older teenagers throughout this 12-year period.
The most recent year for which these estimates can be prepared is 2002, because more current national estimates of abortions are not available. The National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy recently estimated that $9.1 billion in public funding was expended on teenage childbearing in 2004 (4).
Among age subgroups, pregnancy rates fell for all race and Hispanic origin groups between 2000 and 2002, except for Hispanic teenagers 18-19 years whose rate was unchanged. Since 2000, these two trends have been similar with annual declines of about 5 percent for each. The proportions of recent pregnancies (excluding induced abortions) ending in fetal loss in the years preceding each survey are used to compile estimated fetal loss rates. Pregnancy estimates cannot be prepared for other races because abortion data are not collected in the necessary detail.
And finally, most of the decline in the early 1990s was the result of a decrease in second or higher order births to women who were already teen mothers.
Both have been replicated in diverse communities and evaluated by randomly assigning teens to a program and control group.
As more and more teen girls put themselves at risk of an early pregnancy, pregnancy rates rose.
And since a large proportion of non-marital births occurs in this age group, and a significant number of teens continue to be sexually active, education about and access to reproductive health services remains important through Title X of the Public Health Service Act, the Medicaid program, and other federal and state programs.
Although commonplace as recently as the 1950s, early marriage is no longer a sensible strategy in a society where decent jobs increasingly require a high level of education and where half of teen marriages end in divorce. Data from the last four NSFG cycles have been combined in this way to provide statistical reliability because of small numbers of pregnancies especially for teenagers.
State spending on teen pregnancy prevention averages only about $8 a year per teenaged girl.
More recently, efforts to encourage teens to take a pledge not to have sex before marriage have had some success in delaying the onset of sex. This does not mean the federal government should not reward states that achieve certain objectives, such as an increase in the proportion of children living in two-parent families, a decline in the non-marital birth ratio, or a decline in the teen pregnancy or birth rate.
Overall, four in seven teenage pregnancies ended in a live birth in 2002, two in seven in induced abortion, and about one in seven in a fetal loss. For example, the total number of abortions reported by NCCDPHP was about 20 percent lower in 2000 than reported by AGI for the same reporting areas (7,8). As a result, even if married, these women face much higher rates of poverty and dependence on government assistance than those who avoid an early birth. It was not until the second half of the decade that a significant drop in first births to teens occurred.
In addition to being small, such efforts may or may not be effective in preventing pregnancy.
Based on data reviewed by Douglas Kirby and by Leslie Snyder, a good estimate is that about one out of every ten girls enrolled in a program or reached by a media campaign might change her behavior in a way that delayed pregnancy beyond her teen years.
The pace of decline continued in recent years: For the 2000-2002 period, the rate dropped about 5 percent per year, compared with an average decline of about 3 percent per year during 1990-2000. The fetal loss figures are estimates, and variations reflect in part the extent to which pregnancies are recognized especially at very early gestation periods.
This second adjustment yields the estimate that universal programs would produce a benefit of 10 percent of $640 or about $64 per participant.
But states should decide on the best way to achieve these outcomes, subject only to the caveat that they base their efforts on reliable evidence about what works.
As the Wertheimer survey showed, actual spending on teen pregnancy prevention programs in the entire nation now averages about $8 per teenage girl. The evidence presented above suggests that states should be spending roughly eight times as much as they are now on teen pregnancy prevention.
The vast majority of fetal losses occur early in pregnancy before the reporting requirements for fetal losses are in effect. If the potential savings are $64 per teenage female while actual current spending is only $8 per teenage female, government is clearly missing an opportunity for productive investments in prevention programs.
In fact, these calculations-while rough-suggest that government could spend up to eight times ($64 divided by $8) as much as is currently being spent and still break even.



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