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The broad category of “stay-at-home” mothers includes not only mothers who say they are at home in order to care for their families, but also those who are at home because they are unable to find work, are disabled or are enrolled in school.
The largest share consists of “traditional” married stay-at-home mothers with working husbands. The economic ups and downs of the past decade likely influenced mothers’ decisions on whether to stay home or go to work. Although they are often in the media spotlight, relatively few married stay-at-home mothers (with working husbands) would qualify as highly educated and affluent.
These affluent stay-at-home mothers, who have a median family income of nearly $132,000, are somewhat older than married stay-at-home mothers with working husbands overall, according to 2011-2012 data.
A growing share of stay-at-home mothers (6% in 2012, compared with 1% in 2000) say they are home with their children because they cannot find a job. The share of stay-at-home mothers has risen since 2000 among married mothers with working husbands and single mothers.
One of the most striking demographic differences between stay-at-home mothers and working mothers relates to their economic well-being.
Among all mothers, the share who are stay-at-home mothers with working husbands fell to 20% in 2012 from 40% in 1970. Most children today, regardless of race or ethnicity, are growing up with a working mother. Analysis of time-use diaries finds that mothers at home spend more hours per week than working mothers on child care and housework,9 as well as more time on leisure and sleep. Overall, mothers at home spend 18 hours a week on child care10, compared with 11 hours for working mothers, a seven-hour difference.

However, Americans also continue to think that having a mother (or parent) at home is best for a child. The share of mothers staying home with their children rose from 2000 to 2004, but the rise stopped in 2005, amid economic uncertainty that foreshadowed the official start of the Great Recession in 2007. This group is sometimes called “opt-out mothers,” although some researchers say they may have been pushed out of the workforce due to work-family conflicts.
By comparison, only 41% of single stay-at-home mothers and 64% of cohabiting mothers give family care as their primary reason for being home, according to census data.
Whether married, single or cohabiting, each group of stay-at-home mothers has a demographic profile distinctly different from that of their working counterparts­—and also different from each other’s. In addition, stay-at-home mothers are less likely than working mothers to be white (51% are white, compared with 60% of working mothers) and more likely to be immigrants (33% vs. Fully a third (34%) of stay-at-home mothers are living in poverty, compared with 12% of working mothers. Those who are married with working husbands generally are better off financially than the other groups. Among all stay-at-home mothers, those who are married with working husbands make up the largest share (68% in 2012), but that has declined significantly from 1970, when it was 85%. Time use also varies among different groups of mothers at home: Married stay-at-home mothers put more time into child care and less into leisure than their single counterparts. The child-care time gap between mothers who work outside the home and those who do not is largest among married mothers with working husbands. When the General Social Survey first asked in 1977 whether a working mother “can establish just as warm and secure a relationship with her children” as a mother who stays home, only half of Americans (49%) agreed.

In a recent Pew Research survey, 60% of respondents said children are better off when a parent stays home to focus on the family, compared with 35% who said children are just as well off with working parents. In addition to this group, some stay-at-home mothers are single, cohabiting or married with a husband who does not work.
As is true of all married stay-at-home mothers, about half of this elite group (53%) has at least one child age 5 or younger at home.
No matter what their marital status, mothers at home are younger and less educated than their working counterparts. There is a nine-hour disparity in weekly child-care hours of stay-at-home married mothers with employed husbands (20 hours) compared with working married mothers with employed husbands (11 hours).
Married stay-at-home mothers (whether their husbands work or not) also are markedly more likely than single or cohabiting stay-at-home mothers to be foreign born. In addition, the report compares time use of mothers at home and mothers at work, using data from the 2003-2012 American Time Use Survey.
An additional 1.5 million children (2% of the total) lived with married parents who were both out of the paid workforce.
Half (51%) of stay-at-home mothers care for at least one child age 5 or younger, compared with 41% of working mothers.

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