Employment in nyc for felons,reged social media archiving,job openings in los angeles,social media policy for law firms - Good Point

People like Luis Rivera are being locked out of the formal workforce forever thanks to one youthful mistake. Luis Rivera had some peace of mind for about five months, from late fall of 2010 through early spring of the following year. Rivera is part of an uncounted population of formerly convicted or incarcerated people trying to find work in a hostile economy. Back in 1987, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission declared that blanket bans on hiring people with criminal records were a Civil Rights Act violation. Shapriece Townsend found out what this can mean for a young man’s work life while walking home in Brooklyn one night last year, just before his twenty-first birthday. The shrinking space for ex-offenders in the labor market has coincided with a rapid growth in the criminal background check industry.
All of this is why the EEOC has for twenty-five years been issuing guidances demanding that employers use careful scrutiny when considering criminal records. Bear in mind that all positions at all companies are not available to felons and of course the nature of the applicants’ particular conviction is always taken into consideration. They’re churning through formal and informal part-time work, fueling a shadow economy akin to the one that often exploits undocumented workers. This past summer, the ACLU reported that black Americans are four times as likely as whites to be arrested for marijuana possession, despite reams of research showing no racial disparity in marijuana use. He considers this heft a liability on the street; it made him a target for people with something to prove.
There’s no telling how many people are in the shadow economy created by criminal records, but a Center for Economic Policy and Research study looked at just the data for 2008 and calculated that the population of people with felony convictions lowered the official employment rate among all men by as much as 1.7 percentage points.

The official jobless rate among black Americans remains above 13 percent—roughly double that of white workers, and on a par with the national rate during the Depression—while hovering just below 10 percent for Latinos.
The United States lost between $57 billion and $65 billion in GDP in 2008, according to the Center for Economic Policy and Research, as a result of the reduction in male workers.
In New York City, this year’s Democratic mayoral primary was dominated by outrage over the New York Police Department’s practice of “stop-and-frisk,” a program by which the NYPD has indiscriminately detained and searched huge numbers of black and Latino men under the guise of hunting for illegal guns. He’s working part time as a janitor for Osborne while looking for something long-term, and he’s determined to make his industriousness pay off.
But the opportunity may have also come because Rivera accepted that he had little choice but to work long, hard hours for minimum wage.
But the numbers grow particularly stark when you drill down on places like New York City, where the aggressive policing practices of the past two mayoral administrations have swelled the ranks of those who have been in some form of state supervision. And that’s just the official unemployed, a figure that excludes those who have given up looking for on-the-books work.
Civil requests for FBI checks doubled, such that by 2006 the agency conducted more fingerprint reviews for civil purposes than for criminal ones. He and his team reviewed thousands of Craigslist ads for low-wage jobs in five major cities.
In Dollar General’s case, one of the plaintiffs had been denied work because of a six-year-old conviction, which drew the EEOC’s scrutiny not only because the practice is illegal, but also because the woman had previously worked for a different retailer in the same type of job without incident. The impact is similar nonetheless: billions of dollars in lost productivity, forfeited tax revenue for cities, rampant exploitation by employers, and a cascading series of bans and exclusions from civic life that make it almost impossible for these workers to achieve a stable economic existence.
He’s filled in at Bloomingdale’s and managed inventory for a local company that manufactured boxer shorts.

So when the superintendent of a building across the street mentioned that his crew was looking for part-time help as well, Rivera put in his name. The move comes after Target’s home state of Minnesota passed “ban the box” legislation—one of ten states to do so, according to the National Employment Law Project (NELP).
A federal study last year found that more than half of all black New Yorkers are not in the formal workforce at all. Our business is helping ex-offenders and felons get jobs so we feel that we have a responsibility to make our list the best that you will find.
Once again, everyone that applies for employment must put themselves in the best position to get hired. Yet looking back on those five months as a jack-of-all-services for wealthy downtown hipsters, Rivera still gets excited about an opportunity that tore him away from home at all hours. But the way that many companies screen for criminal records is already barred by federal law. Former felons are now categorically barred from working in more than 800 occupations because of laws and licensing rules, one study estimates.
Job seekers with criminal records face discrimination from many employers so finding a company that is felon friendly can be hard work. One of the plaintiffs in the EEOC’s suit against Dollar General was fired for a conviction that never existed.

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