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There can be no doubt that before the time of Eratosthenes the ideas of the learned world on the subject of geography had assumed a more regular and systematic form.
It appears indeed from repeated statements of Strabo that Eratosthenes made it the object of his special attention to a€?reform the map of the world,a€? as it had existed down to his time, and to reconstruct it upon more scientific principles. With regard to the fundamental idea of all geography - the position and figure of the earth - Eratosthenes adopted the views that were current among the astronomers of his day, which had been received almost without exception from the times of Aristotle (ca. But Eratosthenes had the merit of making one valuable addition to the previously existing ideas upon this subject, by a more careful and successful measurement than had ever been previously attempted, of the magnitude of the earth, or circumference of the terrestrial globe. The method pursued by Eratosthenes was theoretically sound, and was in fact identical in principle with that which has been adopted by astronomers in modern day.
While still keeping to the geocentric views of the universe, Eratosthenes started from the assumption that the sun was so distant that for practical purposes one could consider its rays parallel anywhere on earth. The only theoretical error in this mode of calculation was in the assumption - which was inevitable in the days of Eratosthenes - that the earth was exactly spherical, instead of being as it really is, a slightly oblate spheroid, and that therefore a meridian great circle was equal to that of the equator. In the first place, it was assumed that Syene lay directly under the tropic, it being a well-known fact that at the summer solstice the sun could be seen from the bottom of a deep well, and that at the same time the gnomon cast no perceptible shadow. It is remarkable that while the terrestrial measurement was thus grossly inaccurate, the observation of latitude as deduced from the gnomon at Alexandria was a very fair approximation to the truth: a fiftieth part of a great circle being equivalent to an arc of 7A°12a€™, thus exceeding by about 7a€™ only the true interval between Alexandria and Syene, while falling short of that between Alexandria and the real Tropic by about 30a€™ or half a degree. It appears indeed almost certain that Eratosthenes himself was aware of the imperfection of his data, and regarded the result of his calculation only as an approximation to the truth.
After all it must be admitted that the calculation of Eratosthenes, considering the disadvantages under which he labored, came surprisingly near the truth. Once the value of 252,000 stades was accepted, it was feasible also to work out the circumference of any parallel circle. Having thus laid the foundation of what has been called in modern times a€?geodesya€? - the determination of the figure and dimensions of the earth, considered in its entirety, as a part of the system of the universe, Eratosthenes next proceeded to consider that portion of it which was in his time geographically known, or supposed to be inhabited.
In his Geographica Eratosthenes discussed the best method of drawing a map of the inhabited area of the earth as known.
Therefore, as with earlier map construction, the length of the oikumene greatly exceeds the width, though by what proportion depends on how much of the northern, eastern and southern extremities were regarded as inhabited. As approximations to sizes and shapes of parts of the world, Eratosthenes first divided the inhabited world by a line stretching from the Pillars of Hercules [Straits of Gibraltar] to the Taurus Mountains and beyond, then subdivided each of these two sections into a number of irregular shapes, or sphragides, which literally meant a€?an official seala€™ and later was extended to represent a plot of land numbered by a government surveyor, then by extrapolation to a numbered area on a map. Eratosthenes undoubtedly conceived, in accordance with the prevalent belief in his day, that the Ocean was found immediately to the east of India, and that the Ganges flowed directly into it. From that point he supposed the coast to trend away towards the northwest, so as to surround the great unknown tracts of Scythia on the north, but sending in a deep inlet to the south, which formed the Caspian Sea.
His ideas of the geographical position and configuration of India were also in great measure erroneous.
Physical geography, in the modern sense of the term, was still quite in its infancy in the days of Eratosthenes, and it cannot be said that he did much to impart to it a scientific character.
Eratosthenes also adopted, and apparently developed at considerable length, an idea first suggested by the physical philosopher Strabo, that the Mediterranean and the Euxine [Black] Seas had originally no outlet, and stood in consequence at a much higher level, but that they had burst the barriers that confined them, and thus given rise to the Straits of the Bosphorus, the Hellespont and that of the columns. This map of the known world was a very striking achievement and may be considered to be the first really scientific Greek map.
Some of these monographs may be thought of as an anthology of maps, which, like all anthologies, reflects the taste and predilection of the collector. Cartography, like architecture, has attributes of both a scientific and an artistic pursuit, a dichotomy that is certainly not satisfactorily reconciled in all presentations. The significance of maps - and much of their meaning in the past - derives from the fact that people make them to tell other people about the places or space they have experienced. It is assumed that cartography, like art, pre-dates writing; like pictures, map symbols are apt to be more universally understood than verbal or written ones. As previously mentioned, many early maps, especially those prior to the advent of mass production printing techniques, are known only through descriptions or references in the literature (having either perished or disappeared).
Many libraries and collections were not in the habit of preserving maps that they considered a€?obsoletea€? and simply discarded them. A series of maps of one region, arranged in chronological order, can show vividly how it was discovered, explored by travelers and described in detail; this may be seen in facsimile atlases like those of America (K.
As mediators between an inner mental world and an outer physical world, maps are fundamental tools helping the human mind make sense of its universe at various scales.
The history of cartography represents more than a technical and practical history of the artifacts. The only evidence we have for the mapmaking inclinations and talents of the inhabitants of Europe and adjacent parts of the Middle East and North Africa during the prehistoric period is the markings and designs on relatively indestructible materials.
Although some questions will always remain unanswered, there can be no doubt that prehistoric rock and mobiliary art as a whole constitutes a major testimony of early mana€™s expression of himself and his world view.
Despite the richness of civilization in ancient Babylonia and the recovery of whole archives and libraries, a mere handful of Babylonian maps have so far been found. Egypt, which exercised so strong an influence on the ancient civilizations of southeast Europe and the Near East, has left us no more numerous cartographic documents than her neighbor Babylonia.
In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extant Egyptian achievement is represented by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (see monograph #102) .
In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extent that Egyptian achievement is represented is by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (#102). It has often been remarked that the Greek contribution to cartography lay in the speculative and theoretical realms rather than in the practical realm, and nowhere is this truer than in the Archaic and Classical Period. To the Arab countries belongs chief credit for keeping alive an interest in astronomical studies during the so-called Christian middle ages, and we find them interested in globe construction, that is, in celestial globe construction; so far as we have knowledge, it seems doubtful that they undertook the construction of terrestrial globes. Among the Christian peoples of Europe in this same period there was not wanting an interest in both geography and astronomy. Above the convex surface of the earth (ki-a) spread the sky (ana), itself divided into two regions - the highest heaven or firmament, which, with the fixed stars immovably attached to it, revolved, as round an axis or pivot, around an immensely high mountain, which joined it to the earth as a pillar, and was situated somewhere in the far North-East, some say North, and the lower heaven, where the planets - a sort of resplendent animals, seven in number, of beneficent nature - wandered forever on their appointed path. Now, it is remarkable that the Greeks, adopting the earlier Chaldean ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth, believed also in the circumfluent ocean; but they appear to have removed its position from latitudes encircling the Arctic regions to a latitude in close proximity to the equator. Notwithstanding this encroachment of the external ocean - encroachment which may have obliterated indications of a certain northern portion of Australia, and which certainly filled those regions with the great earth - surrounding river Okeanos - the traditions relating to the existence of an island, of immense extent, beyond the known world, were kept up, for they pervade the writings of many of the authors of antiquity.
In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Aelian, is the account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, King of Phrygia, in which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa were lands surrounded by the sea; but that beyond this known world was another island, of immense extent, of which he gives a description.
Theopompus declareth that Midas, the Phrygian, and Selenus were knit in familiaritie and acquaintance. The side of the boat curves inwards, so that when reversed the figure of it would be like an orange with a slice taken off the top, and then set on its flat side. Comparing these early notions, as to the shape and extent of the habitable world, with the later ideas which limited the habitable portion of the globe to the equatorial regions, we may surmise how it came to pass that islands--to say nothing of continents which could not be represented for want of space - belonging to the southern hemisphere were set down as belonging to the northern hemisphere. We have no positive proof of this having been done at a very early period, as the earlier globes and maps have all disappeared; but we may safely conjecture as much, judging from copies that have been handed down. Early maps of the world, as distinguished from globes, take us back to a somewhat more remote period; they all bear most of the disproportions of the Ptolemaic geography, for none belonging to the pre-Ptolemaic period are known to exist.
We have seen that, according to the earliest geographical notions, the habitable world was represented as having the shape of an inverted round boat, with a broad river or ocean flowing all round its rim, beyond which opened out the Abyss or bottomless pit, which was beneath the habitable crust.
The description is sufficiently clear, and there is no mistaking its general sense, the only point that needs elucidation being that which refers to the position of the earth or globe as viewed by the spectator.
Our modern notions and our way of looking at a terrestrial globe or map with the north at the top, would lead us to conclude that the abyss or bottomless pit of the inverted Chaldean boat, the Hades and Tartaros of the Greek conception, should be situated to the south, somewhere in the Antarctic regions. The internal evidence of the Poems points to a northern as well as a southern location for the entrance to the infernal regions. Another probable source of information: The Phoinikes of Homer are the same Phoenicians who as pilots of King Solomona€™s fleets brought gold and silver, ivory, apes and peacocks from Asia beyond the Ganges and the East Indian islands.
European mariners and geographers of the Homeric period considered the bearing of land and sea only in connection with the rising and setting of the sun and with the four winds Boreas, Euros, Notos, and Sephuros. These mariners and geographers adopted the plan - an arbitrary one - of considering the earth as having the north above and the south below, and, after globes or maps had been constructed with the north at the top, and this method had been handed down to us, we took for granted that it had obtained universally and in all times. Such has not been the case, for the earliest navigators, the Phoenicians, the Arabs, the Chinese, and perhaps all Asiatic nations, considered the south to be above and the north below. It is strange that some historians, in pointing out so cleverly that the Chaldean conception was more in accordance with the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe than had been suspected, fails, at the same time, to notice that Homer in his brain-map reversed the Chaldean terrestrial globe and placed the north at the top. During the middle ages, we shall see a reversion take place, and the terrestrial paradise and heavenly paradise placed according to the earlier Chaldean notions; and on maps of this epoch, encircling the known world from the North Pole to the equator, flows the antic Ocean, which in days of yore encircled the infernal regions. At a later period, during which planispheric maps, showing one hemisphere of the world, may have been constructed, the circumfluent ocean must have encircled the world as represented by the geographical exponents of the time being; albeit in a totally different way than expressed in the Shumiro-Accadian records. It follows from all this that, as mariners did actually traverse those regions and penetrate south of the equator, the islands they visited most, such as Java, its eastern prolongation of islands, Sumbawa, etc., were believed to be in the northern hemisphere, and were consequently placed there by geographers, as the earliest maps of the various editions of Ptolemya€™s Geography bear witness. These mistakes were the result doubtless of an erroneous interpretation of information received; and the most likely period during which cognizance of these islands was obtained was when Alexandria was the center of the Eastern and Western commerce of the world.
But to return to the earlier Pre-Ptolemaic period and to form an idea of the chances of information which the traffic carried on in the Indian Ocean may have offered to the Greeks and Romans, here is what Antonio Galvano, Governor of Ternate says in 1555, quoting Strabo and Pliny (Strabo, lib.
Now as the above articles of commerce, mentioned by Strabo and Pliny, after leaving their original ports in Asia and Austral-Asia, were conveyed from one island to another, any information, when sought for, concerning the location of the islands from which the spices came, must necessarily have been of a very unreliable character, for the different islands at which any stay was made were invariably confounded with those from which the spices originally came.
From these facts, and many others, such as the positions given to the Mountain of the East or North-East of the Shumiro-Accads, the Mountain of the South, or Southwest, of Homer, and the Infernal Regions, we may conclude that the North Pole of the Ancients was situated somewhere in the neighborhood of the Sea of Okhotsk. It is in the Classical Period of Greek cartography that we can start to trace a continuous tradition of theoretical concepts about the size and shape of the earth. Likewise, it should be emphasized that the vast majority of our knowledge about Greek cartography in this early period is known primarily only from second- or third-hand accounts. There is no complete break between the development of cartography in Classical and in Hellenistic Greece.
In spite of these speculations, however, Greek cartography might have remained largely the province of philosophy had it not been for a vigorous and parallel growth of empirical knowledge. That such a change should occur is due both to political and military factors and to cultural developments within Greek society as a whole. The librarians not only brought together existing texts, they corrected them for publication, listed them in descriptive catalogs, and tried to keep them up to date.
The other great factor underlying the increasing realism of maps of the inhabited world in the Hellenistic Period was the expansion of the Greek world through conquest and discovery, with a consequent acquisition of new geographical knowledge. Among the contemporaries of Alexander was Pytheas, a navigator and astronomer from Massalia [Marseilles], who as a private citizen embarked upon an exploration of the oceanic coasts of Western Europe. As exemplified by the journeys of Alexander and Pytheas, the combination of theoretical knowledge with direct observation and the fruits of extensive travel gradually provided new data for the compilation of world maps. The importance of the Hellenistic Period in the history of ancient world cartography, however, has been clearly established. In the history of geographical (or terrestrial) mapping, the great practical step forward during this period was to locate the inhabited world exactly on the terrestrial globe. Thus it was at various scales of mapping, from the purely local to the representation of the cosmos, that the Greeks of the Hellenistic Period enhanced and then disseminated a knowledge of maps. The Roman Republic offers a good case for continuing to treat the Greek contribution to mapping as a separate strand in the history of classical cartography. The remarkable influence of Ptolemy on the development of European, Arabic, and ultimately world cartography can hardly be denied.
Notwithstanding his immense importance in the study of the history of cartography, Ptolemy remains in many respects a complicated figure to assess.
Still the culmination of Greek cartographic thought is seen in the work of Claudius Ptolemy, who worked within the framework of the early Roman Empire.
When we turn to Roman cartography, it has been shown that by the end of the Augustan era many of its essential characteristics were already in existence.
In the course of the early empire large-scale maps were harnessed to a number of clearly defined aspects of everyday life. Maps in the period of the decline of the empire and its sequel in the Byzantine civilization were of course greatly influenced by Christianity. Continuity between the classical period and succeeding ages was interrupted, and there was disruption of the old way of life with its technological achievements, which also involved mapmaking. The Byzantine Empire, though providing essential links in the chain, remains something of an enigma for the history of the long-term transmission of cartographic knowledge from the ancient to the modern world. It may be necessary to emphasize that the ancient Greek maps shown in this volume are a€?reconstructionsa€? by modern scholars based upon the textual descriptions of the general outline of the geographical systems formed by each of the successive Greek writers so far as it is possible to extract these from their writings alone. China is Asiaa€™s oldest civilization, and the center from which cultural disciplines spread to the rest of the continent. An ancient wooden map discovered by Chinese archaeologists in northwest China's Gansu Province has been confirmed as the country's oldest one at an age of more than 2,200. The map of Guixian was unearthed from tombs of the Qin Kingdom at Fangmatan in Tianshui City of Gansu Province in 1986 and was listed as a national treasure in 1994. Unlike modern maps, place names on these maps were written within big or small square frames, while the names of rivers, roads, major mountains, water systems and forested areas were marked directly with Chinese characters. Whoever sets out to write on the history of geography in China faces a quandary, however, for while it is indispensable to give the reader some appreciation of the immense mass of literature which Chinese scholars have produced on the subject, it is necessary to avoid the tedium of listing names of authors and books, some of which indeed have long been lost.
As for the ideas about the shape of the earth current in ancient Chinese thought, the prevailing belief was that the heavens were round and the earth square. The following attempts to compare rather carefully the parallel march of scientific geography in the West and in China.
At 2:50 AM, the restless, sleep-grabbing thoughts are insoluble and germinate as quickly as the toxic toadstools growing in the gloom outside our window. The thoughts remain in the dark, haunting us like winged gargoyle carvings, and sleep escapes. At the end of his delivery, I tried hard to recall the good points that the speaker made, but I labored to embrace them. Unfortunately, those unwelcome thoughts, over time, can become institutionalized as we spend years trying to uproot them. To capture an elephant or another large wild beast, one might dig a hidden pit covered with branches. To capture a bee or wasp, one might place a pheromone-attracting substance in an inescapable test tube. Of all the possible ways there might be to build a piece of Ikea furniture, there is only one correct way.
This time there was one ungainly fastener with a screw head, a swiveling joint in the middle, ending with a bulbous protrusion that looked like a spare part from a Triceratops. Search as I might through the booklet of instructions, there was no hope of finding where the missing part belonged. Retrieving a generous length of rope from the garage, I lashed my assembled furniture with the cord, first lengthwise, then sideways, then diagonally.
As I lashed down the final ungainly cord while on my belly beneath the chest of drawers, I noticed a hole.
Upon returning the still rope-trussed furniture to Ikea the next day, the salesperson asked for the reason for its return. With this much Methuselah-scale time on their hands, he reckons Standard Time World dwellers could do so much more with it.
When it was first introduced to the public, the odor-eliminating product Febreze was a sales flop. People sensed it was doing something because it now left an irresistibly beautiful scent behind.
First, seven-time Tour de France victor Lance Armstrong abandoned his quest to clear his name of drug doping charges. A few days later, Neil Armstrong, the first man to walk on the moon, died following heart surgery. Remember, there are plenty of choices available on Aisle One, on the shelf marked Cycling: Tour de France.
Once home, I constructed a ramp of two 2 by 4s, upon which I gingerly placed the sole wheel, intending to guide the thing backwards down the ramp.
I abruptly halted my stroll through the shopping mall to gaze in wonder at a very large, very pregnant woman bouncing repeatedly on a bungee swing. Quickly summoning my seventh grade math skills, I calculated that the repeating force and velocity upon her body could momentarily launch an unanticipated sequence of events.
The bounding continued, but I didn’t want to stick around for the spectacular gravitational outcome.
I need a new sport in which to compete—perhaps a much more specialized, personal competition, a sort of iOlympics. Dorothy Kilgallen, for example, one of the celebrity hosts, was the only reporter to have interviewed Jack Ruby, the killer of Lee Harvey Oswald. Celebrity status can, of course, be achieved through many other means besides being a guest or contestant on a popular game show. Life can expose the Real Me of ordinary people through such uncertain elements as time, circumstance, environment, and the people we associate with.
Until, that is, I realized for how many months I had avoided doing this obviously long-overdue chore, leaving undone that which I knew to do. But in reality-anchored non-TV-land, being unafraid of knowing the Real Me, and then nurturing the best possible Real Me, is the most hopeful way forward.
Emmerdale actor James Hooton, who plays Sam Dingle in the soap, has announced his fiancee Nancy Lucas is expecting the couple's second child together. Hooton, 42, who already has an eight-year-old daughter called Lily, with Lucas, said the couple have been desperately trying to expand their family, but had struggled to conceive. Hooton said Lucas had undergone a hysterosalpingogram, which is an x-ray technique used to examine the uterus and fallopian tubes to see if there are any blockages which could prevent eggs passing down the tubes to the womb and so stop pregnancy occurring. However Lucas admitted their struggle to conceive was a very "frustrating" time and she praised her fiance for being supportive. This is one of the most important vitamins in aiding conception as it regulates the hormones. More symmetrical than accurate, its partitions were the forerunners of parallels and meridians after DicA¦archus (#111).
And it is certain also that these had been embodied in the form of maps, which, however imperfect, were unquestionably very superior to anything that had preceded them. It is this enlarged and philosophical view of the subject that constitutes his special merit, and entitles him to be justly called as the a€?parent of scientific geographya€?. Once the idea of a spherical earth was accepted, and that it was a perfect sphere, the measurement of this body was a logical step, even to Greek scholars who were more given to philosophical speculation than to quantification and experimentation. The method pursued by Eratosthenes is fully stated and explained by the astronomer Cleomedes, in his work on the Circular Motion of the Heavenly Bodies. He observed that the rays of the sun, at midday, at the time of the summer solstice, fell directly over Syene [modern-day Aswan] and that the vertical rod of the sun dial (gnomon or style) would not cast a shadow (predicated on the assumption that Syene was situated exactly under the Tropic of Cancer). But, though these facts were perfectly correct as matters of rough observation, such as could be made by general travelers, they were far from having the precise accuracy requisite as the basis of scientific calculations. Hence, as mentioned above, he felt himself at liberty to add 2,000 stades to the 250,000 obtained by his process, in order to have a number that would be readily divisible into sixty parts, or into degrees of 360 to a great circle. His measurement of 250,000 stades (the immediate result of his calculation) would be equivalent to 25,000 geographical miles, while the actual circumference of the earth at the equator falls very little short of 25,000 English miles. Thus Eratosthenes calculated that the parallel at Rhodes, 36A°N., was under 200,000 stades in circumference.
And here it must be observed that the relation between the habitable world, which was alone regarded as coming within the scope of the geographer (properly so called), and the terrestrial globe itself, was, in the days of Eratosthenes, and even long afterwards, a very different one from that which we now conceive as subsisting between them. The first task of the geographer therefore, according to the notions then prevailing, was to determine the limits and dimensions of the map of the world, which was to form the subject of his special investigations. India he suggested drawing as a rhomboid; Ariana [the eastern part of the Persian Empire] would be illustrated as approximating a parallelogram.
Just to the north of the Ganges the great mountain chain of Imaus, which he regarded as the continuation of the Indian Caucasus and the Taurus, descended (according to his ideas) to the shores of the Eastern Ocean; and he appears to have given the name of Tarnarus to the headland which formed the termination of this great range. Of the northern shores of Asia or Europe he had really no more knowledge than Herodotus (#109), but, unlike that historian, he assumed the fact that both continents were bounded by the Ocean on the north; a fact which is undoubtedly true, but in a sense so widely different from that supposed by Eratosthenes that a can hardly be held as justifying his theory. As mentioned above, he conceived it to be of a rhomboidal form, which may be regarded as a rough approximation to the truth, and he even knew that the two sides, which enclosed the southern extremity, were longer than the other two. In treating the mountain chains of Asia as one continuous range, to which he applied the name of Taurus, he may be regarded as having made a first attempt, however crude, at that systematic description of mountain ranges to which we now give the name of orography. In proof of this theory he alleged the presence of marine shells far inland in Libya, especially near the temple of Jupiter Ammon, and on the road leading to it, as well as the deposits and springs of salt that were also found in the Libyan deserts. Although the dimensions are not known exactly, as it was presented to the Egyptian court a may be assumed to have been fairly large. It may also be likened to a book of reproductions of works of art, in the sense that the illustrations, even with the accompanying commentary, cannot really do justice to the originals. A knowledge of maps and their contents is not automatic - it has to be learned; and it is important for educated people to know about maps even though they may not be called upon to make them. Some maps are successful in their display of material but are scientifically barren, while in others an important message may be obscured because of the poverty of presentation. Maps constitute a specialized graphic language, an instrument of communication that has influenced behavioral characteristics and the social life of humanity throughout history. Maps produced by contemporary primitive peoples have been likened to so-called prehistoric maps.
In earlier times these maps were considered to be ephemeral material, like newspapers and pamphlets, and large wall-maps received particularly careless treatment because they were difficult to store.
When, in 1918, a mosaic floor was discovered in the ancient TransJordanian church of Madaba showing a map of Palestine, Syria and part of Egypt, a whole series of reproductions and treatises was published on the geography of Palestine at that time.
Kretschner, 1892), Japan (P.Teleki, 1909), Madagascar (Gravier, 1896), Albania (Nopcsa, 1916), Spitzbergen (Wieder, 1919), the northwest of America (Wagner, 1937), and others.
Indeed, much of its universal appeal is that the simpler types of map can be read and interpreted with only a little training. Crone remarked that a€?a map can be considered from several aspects, as a scientific report, a historical document, a research tool, and an object of art. It may also be viewed as an aspect of the history of human thought, so that while the study of the techniques that influence the medium of that thought is important, it also considers the social significance of cartographic innovation and the way maps have impinged on the many other facets of human history they touch. It is reasonable to expect some evidence in this art of the societya€™s spatial consciousness. There is, for example, clear evidence in the prehistoric art of Europe that maps - permanent graphic images epitomizing the spatial distribution of objects and events - were being made as early as the Upper Paleolithic. In Mesopotamia the invention by the Sumerians of cuneiform writing in the fourth millennium B.C. In the former field, among other things, they attained a remarkably close approximation for a?s2, namely 1.414213.


The courses of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers offered major routes to and from the north, and the northwest, and the Persian Gulf allowed contact by sea along the coasts of Arabia and east to India.
Within this span of some three thousand years, the main achievements in Greek cartography took place from about the sixth century B.C. Stevenson, it is not easy to fix, with anything like a satisfactory measure of certainty, the beginning of globe construction; very naturally it was not until a spherical theory concerning the heavens and the earth had been accepted, and for this we are led back quite to Aristotle and beyond, back indeed to the Pythagoreans if not yet farther.
We are now learning that those centuries were not entirely barren of a certain interest in sciences other than theological. It has now been ascertained and demonstrated beyond doubt that the earliest ideas concerning the laws of the universe and the shape of the earth were, in many respects, more correct and clearer than those of a subsequent period.
Ragozin, says the Shumiro-Accads had formed a very elaborate and clever idea of what they supposed the world to be like; they imagined it to have the shape of an inverted round boat or bowl, the thickness of which would represent the mixture of land and water (ki-a) which we call the crust of the earth, while the hollow beneath this inhabitable crust was fancied as a bottomless pit or abyss (ge), in which dwelt many powers.
The account of this conversation, which is too lengthy here to give in full, was written three centuries and a half before the Christian era. Of the familiaritie of Midas, the Phrigian, and Selenus, and of certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported. This Selenus was the sonne of a nymphe inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour to men concerning mortalytie and death.
The Chaldean conception, thus rudely described, shows a yet nearer approximation to the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe, when we bear in mind that this actually is in shape a flattened sphere, with the vertical diameter the shorter one. A curious example of the difficulties that early cartographers of the circumfluent ocean period had to contend with, and of the sans faA§on method of dealing with them, occurs in the celebrated Fra Mauro mappamundi (Book III, #249), which is one of the last in which the external ocean is still retained. The influence of the Ptolemaic astronomical and geographical system was very great, and lasted for over thirteen hundred years. There are reasons to believe however, apart from the evidence we gather in the Poems, that these abyssal regions were supposed or believed to be situated around the North Pole.
Homer, The Outward Geography Eastwards: a€?The outer geography eastwards, or wonderland, has for its exterior boundary the great river Okeanos, a noble conception, in everlasting flux and reflux, roundabout the territory given to living man. The Phoenician reports referred to came most likely therefore, not so much from the north, as from these regions which, tradition tells us (Fra Mauroa€™s mappamundi #249), were situated propinqua ale tenebre.
These winds covered the arcs intervening between our four cardinal points of the compass, which points were not located exactly as with us; but the north leaning to the east, the east to the south, the south to the west and the west to the north (see Beatusa€™ Turin map, Book II, #207). The reason for this is plausible, for whereas the northern seaman regulated his navigation by the North Star, the Asiatic sailor turned to southern constellations for his guidance. This is all the more strange when we take into consideration that, in the light of his context, the fact is apparent and of great importance as coinciding with other European views concerning the location of the north on terrestrial globes and maps. The Chaldeans placed their heaven in the east or northeast; Homer placed his heaven in the south or southwest. In this ocean we find also EA the Exalted Fish, but, deprived of his ancient grandeur and divinity, he is no doubt considered nothing more than a merman at the period when acquaintance is renewed with him on the SchA¶ner-Frankfort gores of Asiatic origin bearing the date 1515 (Book IV, #328). The divergence was probably owing in a great measure to the inability of representing graphically the perspective appearance of the globe on a plane; but may be also traceable to an erroneous interpretation of the original idea, caused by the reversion of the cardinal points of the compass. According to this division other continents south of the equator were supposed to exist and habited, some said, but not to be approached by those inhabiting the northern hemisphere on account of the presumed impossibility of traversing the equatorial regions, the heat of which was believed to be too intense.
We shall see, when dealing with Ptolemy's map of the world, some of the results of this confusion. Thomas, after the dispersion of the Apostles, preached the Gospel to the Parthians and Persians; then went to India, where he gave up his life for Jesus Christ.
That he corroborates Homera€™s views as to the sphericity of the earth by describing Cratesa€™ terrestrial globe (Geographica; Book ii.
That he accentuates Homera€™s views concerning the black races that lived some in the west (the African race) others in the east (the Australian race). That he shows the four cardinal points of the compass to have been situated somewhat differently than with us, for he says (Book 1, c. That he appears to be perpetuating an ancient tradition when he supposes the existence of a vast continent or antichthonos in the southern hemisphere to counterbalance the weight of the northern continents. The relativeness of these positions appears to have been maintained on some mediaeval maps. To appreciate how this period laid the foundations for the developments of the ensuing Hellenistic Period, it is necessary to draw on a wide range of Greek writings containing references to maps. We have no original texts of Anaximander, Pythagoras, or Eratosthenes - all pillars of the development of Greek cartographic thought. In contrast to many periods in the ancient and medieval world and despite the fragmentary artifacts, we are able to reconstruct throughout the Greek period, and indeed into the Roman, a continuum in cartographic thought and practice.
Indeed, one of the salient trends in the history of the Hellenistic Period of cartography was the growing tendency to relate theories and mathematical models to newly acquired facts about the world - especially those gathered in the course of Greek exploration or embodied in direct observations such as those recorded by Eratosthenes in his scientific measurement of the circumference of the earth. With respect to the latter, we can see how Greek cartography started to be influenced by a new infrastructure for learning that had a profound effect on the growth of formalized knowledge in general. Thus Alexandria became a clearing-house for cartographic and geographical knowledge; it was a center where this could be codified and evaluated and where, we may assume, new maps as well as texts could be produced in parallel with the growth of empirical knowledge.
In his treatise On the Ocean, Pytheas relates his journey and provides geographical and astronomical information about the countries that he observed. While we can assume a priori that such a linkage was crucial to the development of Hellenistic cartography, again there is no hard evidence, as in so many other aspects of its history, that allows us to reconstruct the technical processes and physical qualities of the maps themselves. Its outstanding characteristic was the fruitful marriage of theoretical and empirical knowledge. Eratosthenes was apparently the first to accomplish this, and his map was the earliest scientific attempt to give the different parts of the world represented on a plane surface approximately their true proportions. By so improving the mimesis or imitation of the world, founded on sound theoretical premises, they made other intellectual advances possible and helped to extend the Greek vision far beyond the Aegean. While there was a considerable blending and interdependence of Greek and Roman concepts and skills, the fundamental distinction between the often theoretical nature of the Greek contribution and the increasingly practical uses for maps devised by the Romans forms a familiar but satisfactory division for their respective cartographic influences.
The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps.
Through both the Mathematical Syntaxis (a treatise on mathematics and astronomy in thirteen books, also called the Almagest and the Geography (in eight books), it can be said that Ptolemy tended to dominate both astronomy and geography, and hence their cartographic manifestations, for over fourteen centuries.
A modern analysis of Ptolemaic scholarship offers nothing to revise the long-held consensus that he is a key figure in the long term development of scientific mapping. In its most obvious aspect, the exaggerated size of Jerusalem on the Madaba mosaic map (# 121) was no doubt an attempt to make the Holy City not only dominant but also more accurately depicted in this difficult medium. In both Western Europe and Byzantium relatively little that was new in cartography developed during the Dark Ages and early Middle Ages, although monks were assiduously copying out and preserving the written work of many past centuries available to them.
Researcher He said that the map, drawn in black on four pine wood plates of almost the same size, had clear and complete graphics depicting the administrative division, a general picture of local geography and the economic situation in Guixian County in the Warring States era.
Only a few examples can be given, but it should be understood, even when it is not expressly said, that they must often stand simply as representative of a whole class of works. It may be said at the outset that both in East and West there seem to have been two separate traditions, one which we may call a€?scientific, or quantitative, cartographya€™, and one which we may call a€?religious, or symbolic, cosmographya€™.
After much unnecessary deliberation, we order the same thing we ordered last week, and the week before.
Like pockmarked two-lane blacktop, there are plenty of demoralizing instruction-reading and brain-teasing, spatially-challenging pitfalls on the path to discover that One Correct Way.
Each piece of Ikea hardware is inevitably an exotic, one-of-a-kind design, fasteners otherwise appearing only on a Mars lunar rover. I yanked and knotted the rope tight so there was no possibility that the omission of the missing part could cause bodily harm.
It was a hole designed to perfectly fit the missing shoulder-bolt-screw-on-adapter, which now lay uselessly upon the assembly instructions.
Born into the low-rent Wheelbarrow Handle District, he had moved through the ranks of the working class to the much smoother-riding Rubber Wheel District. Wheelbarrow communities tie up alongside one another, throwing up temporary bridges, and the seven-hour long party begins, the full vacation time allotted to a wheelbarrow citizen.
Edgar’s job as a professional dirt inspector provides him time to contemplate the world beyond his wheelbarrow, the Standard Time World that houses you and me.
In the Standard Time World, Edgar struggles to fathom that his current lifespan of 1-½ years would be stretched to 48 times that length—perhaps as many as a mind-boggling 80 years in Standard Time World!
Why would Standard Time World residents conceive of ever more ways to waste their precious time with trivialities, warfare and petty selfish indulgences? They had descended to hunt for the morsels that would make their day—fresh customers to purchase profitable cell phone contracts. My humble crew of three will be-shirt ourselves with lavender, blue and pink t-shirts with the word Febreze in-scripted across the front. For many, this signaled a guilty plea as the capstone to his multi-year efforts to redeem himself in the bicycle sports arena. Each time we view that 1969 grainy black and white video clip of his first step on the moon, we pause to consider his courage. Down the damp and darkening shelves, I pass into the bowels of the most unpopular fame and fortune categories: plumbing, bomb shelter design, trash and refuse collection, whoopee cushion manufacturing. The boards immediately parted, leaving me to precariously balance the heavy and awkward contraption on a four-inch wide plank at a 45 degree downward angle. I was filthy from digging dirt, and I wanted my heroic efforts to be noted by everyone at the macho Home Depot store–wow, what a man. At each vertical bounce, I expected the abrupt squeal of a tiny baby’s voice, propelled into birth with the aid of gravity and a giant rubber slingshot. The trick to Olympic excellence is often whittling down to a very narrow, specific sporting event.
Once universally recognized as the fastest runner in my elementary school, my glory has faded, leaving this former sixth grader not-so-impressive and not-so-imposing. My gold medal iOlympic routine will help to keep me on my feet and out of the doctor’s office. Notable celebrity personalities served on the panel, posing questions of various contestants in order to guess their occupations.
She is widely believed to have later been murdered, so vociferous was her criticism of the U.S. With miniscule custodial help to clean my classroom, I took it upon myself to raid the janitorial closet, seizing broom, mop, bucket and detergent.
A B6 deficiency can lead to irregular menstruation and can also lead to poor egg and sperm development. Geographic information that was gathered by Alexander the Great and his successors was the primary source used by Eratosthenes, a scholar with vision large enough to put this information into a logical framework. The first use of world maps by the Greeks had been introduced at a very early period by Anaximander (ca. The materials at his command were still very imperfect, and the means of scientific observation were wanting to a degree which we can, at the present-day, scarcely figure to ourselves; but the methods which he pursued were of a strictly scientific character, and his judgment was so sound that he proved in many instances to be better informed and more judicious in his inferences than geographers of two centuries later. He was not indeed the first who had attempted the solution of this problem, which would naturally engage the attention of astronomers and geometers, as soon as it was agreed that the earth was of a spherical form.
Both the method and the accuracy of Eratosthenesa€™ well-known measurement of the earth have evoked the admiration of later workers, and his calculation is regarded as one of the greatest achievements of Greek science. Syene is in fact situated in latitude 24A° 5a€™ 30a€?, or nearly 37 miles to the north of the Tropic.
Ever since the discoveries of the great Portuguese and Spanish navigators in the 15th and 16th centuries opened out to us new continents, and extensions of those already known, far beyond anything that had previously been suspected or imagined, men have been accustomed to regard the a€?map of the worlda€? as comprising the whole surface of the globe, and including both the eastern and western hemispheres, while towards the north and south it is capable of indefinite extension, until it should reach the poles, and is in fact continually receiving fresh accessions.
This question, which was taken up by Eratosthenes at the beginning of his second book, had already been considered by several previous writers, who had arrived at very different results.
Rather than a rectangle, he thought of the oikumene as tapering off at each end of its length, like a chlamys [short Greek mantle]. In fact the conclusion of Eratosthenes was mainly based upon the erroneous belief that the Caspian communicated with the Ocean to the north in the same manner that the Persian Gulf did to the south; a view which was adopted by all geographers for a period of three centuries, on the authority of Patrocles. Yet the erroneous idea of its communication with the Ocean to the north sufficiently shows how questionable the information possessed by the Greeks really was. But as he supposed the range of Imaus that bounded the country to the north to have its direction from west to east, while the Indus flowed from north to south, he was obliged to shift around the position of his rhomb, so as to bring the other two sides approximately parallel to the two thus assumed. He also arrived at a sound conclusion concerning the causes of the inundation of the Nile, a subject that must naturally have engaged the attention of a geographer resident in Egypt.
It must have been drawn as closely as possible to scale, and its influence on subsequent Greek and Roman cartography was tremendous.
They have often served as memory banks for spatial data and as mnemonics in societies without the printed word and can speak across the barriers of ordinary language, constituting a common language used by men of different races and tongues to express the relationship of their society to a geographic environment. Certain carvings on bone and petroglyphs have been identified as prehistoric route maps, although according to a strict definition, they might not qualify as a€?mapsa€?. In the present work, reconstruction of maps no longer extant are used in place of originals or assumed originals. Since the maps were missing, he drew them himself from indications in the ancient text, and when the work was finished, he commemorated this too in verse. The map answered many hitherto insoluble or disputed questions, for example the question as to where the Virgin Mary met the mother of John Baptist. A series of maps of a coastal region (for example, that of Holland or Friesland) or of river estuaries (the Po, Mississippi, Volga, or lower Yellow River) gives information on the rate of changes in outline and their causes.
Maps represent an excellent mirror of culture and civilizationa€?, but they are also more than a mere reflection: maps in their own right enter the historical process by means of reciprocally structured relationships.
But when it comes to drawing up the balance sheet of evidence for prehistoric maps, we must admit that the evidence is tenuous and certainly inconclusive. The same evidence shows, too, that the quintessentially cartographic concept of representation in plan was already in use in that period. Our divisions into 60 and 360 for minutes, seconds and degrees are a direct inheritance from the Babylonians, who thought in these terms.
The Pharaohs organized military campaigns, trade missions, and even purely geographical expeditions to explore various countries. From earliest times much of the area covered by the annual Nile floods had, upon their retreat, to be re-surveyed in order to establish the exact boundaries of properties.
We find allusions to celestial globes in the days of Eudoxus and Archimedes, to terrestrial globes in the days of Crates and Hipparchus. In Justiniana€™s day, or near it, one Leontius Mechanicus busied himself in Constantinople with globe construction, and we have left to us his brief descriptive reference to his work. But above all these, higher in rank and greater in power, is the Spirit (Zi) of heaven (ana), ZI-ANA, or, as often, simply ANA--Heaven. On this map of the world the islands of the Malay Archipelago follow the shores of Asia from Malacca to Japan.
Even the Arabs, who, after the fall of the Roman Empire, developed the geographical knowledge of the world during the first period of the middle ages, adopted many of its errors. Volcanoes were supposed to be the entrances to the infernal regions, and towards the southeast the whole region beyond the river Okeanos of Homer, from Java to Sumbawa and the Sea of Banda, was sufficiently studded with mighty peaks to warrant the idea they may have originated.
Many cartographers of the renascence, whose charts indeed we cannot read unless we reverse them, must have followed Asiatic cartographical methods, and this perhaps through copying local charts obtained in the countries visited by them. Taprobana was the Greek corruption of the Tamravarna of Arabian, or even perhaps Phoenician, nomenclature; our modern Sumatra.
Geographical science was on the eve of reaching its apogee with the Greeks, were it was doomed to retrograde with the decline of the Roman Empire.
John III, King of Portugal, ordered his remains to be sought for in a little ruined chapel that was over his tomb, outside Meliapur or Maliapor. In some cases the authors of these texts are not normally thought of in the context of geographic or cartographic science, but nevertheless they reflect a widespread and often critical interest in such questions.
In particular, there are relatively few surviving artifacts in the form of graphic representations that may be considered maps.
Despite a continuing lack of surviving maps and original texts throughout the period - which continues to limit our understanding of the changing form and content of cartography - it can be shown that, by the perioda€™s end, a markedly different cartographic image of the inhabited world had emerged. Of particular importance for the history of the map was the growth of Alexandria as a major center of learning, far surpassing in this respect the Macedonian court at Pella. Later geographers used the accounts of Alexandera€™s journeys extensively to make maps of Asia and to fill in the outline of the inhabited world.
Not even the improved maps that resulted from these processes have survived, and the literary references to their existence (enabling a partial reconstruction of their content) can even in their entirety refer only to a tiny fraction of the number of maps once made and once in circulation. It has been demonstrated beyond doubt that the geometric study of the sphere, as expressed in theorems and physical models, had important practical applications and that its principles underlay the development both of mathematical geography and of scientific cartography as applied to celestial and terrestrial phenomena. On his map, moreover, one could have distinguished the geometric shapes of the countries, and one could have used the map as a tool to estimate the distances between places. To Rome, Hellenistic Greece left a seminal cartographic heritage - one that, in the first instance at least, was barely challenged in the intellectual centers of Roman society.
Certainly the political expansion of Rome, whose domination was rapidly extending over the Mediterranean, did not lead to an eclipse of Greek influence.
Such knowledge, relating to both terrestrial and celestial mapping, had been transmitted through a succession of well-defined master-pupil relationships, and the preservation of texts and three-dimensional models had been aided by the growth of libraries. The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections. Yet Ptolemy, as much through the accidental survival and transmission of his texts when so many others perished as through his comprehensive approach to mapping, does nevertheless stride like a colossus over the cartographic knowledge of the later Greco-Roman world and the Renaissance. Pilgrims from distant lands obviously needed itineraries like that starting at Bordeaux, giving fairly simple instructions. When we come to consider the mapping of small areas in medieval western Europe, it will be shown that the Saint Gall monastery map is very reminiscent of the best Roman large-scale plans. Some maps, along with other illustrations, were transmitted by this process, but too few have survived to indicate the overall level of cartographic awareness in Byzantine society. Eighty-two places are marked with their respective names, locations of rivers, mountains and forested areas on the map. Experts said that graphics, symbols, scales, locations, longitude and latitude are key elements of a map. Thus in the Ta Tai Li Chi, Tseng Shen, replying to the questions of Shanchu Li, admits that it was very hard to see how, on the orthodox view, the four comers of the earth could be properly covered. While we may remain lost in our own world of conversation, we are also welcomed to swap stories with them, earning a way into their lives.
The risk is being written off as an insincere huckster, peddling a self-aggrandizing bill of goods. Maybe this was a vital part that I should have installed in my prized construction—had I suffered a concentration lapse and lost my way through the instructional pictographs? A gigantic wheelbarrow is at the center, where the two top contending wheelbarrow football teams may compete for as long as a mind-boggling 4 minutes to win Wheelbarrowland’s championship.
Time and again Edgar purchased the butter-slathered corn, tipping her generously until he ran out of cash. Help me to value the months, the hours and the minutes; I am grateful for the 18 months of life that You may give me.
The candle flames may have been burning for hours, threatening to melt counter tops and depleting oxygen supplies to a prized co-inhabiting African Grey Parrot. They added a fragrance that the human nose could detect, so that, after using Febreze, whether upon nasty pet carpet or pleasant-enough households, things smelled fresh. We’ll challenge one of the top carriers in the telecommunications industry with hope instead of pandering to redundant and ubiquitous telecommunications technology. In the case that I should collapse and meet Jesus in the sweltering heat, I was pretty sure that heaven was climate-controlled. In the category of Very Pregnant Women Bouncing on a Slingshot, there were no other competitors in the mall. The Guinness Book of World Records is full of the bragging rights of those who own a record, no matter how obscure or inane the event. There are dozens of niche specialties in sports such as track and field, swimming and gymnastics, each event intended to highlight the expertise of a person matching the requirements of that special niche. The very public exposure of their talents on display may either impress through a great performance or dismay with a humiliating disaster. Like a many-layered mystery, the Real Me that we present might be kind, responsible or heroic. He regarded the earth as a sphere, placed in the center of the universe, around which the celestial sphere revolved every twenty-four hours: besides which, the sun and moon had independent motions of their own. Aristotle refers to the calculation of a€?mathematiciansa€? who had investigated the subject (without naming them) that the earth was 400,000 stades in circumference.
Secondly, Alexandria, instead of being exactly on the same meridian with Syene, lay in fact not less than three degrees of longitude to the west of it: an error of no trifling moment when the distance between the two was assumed as the basis of calculation.
Thus was established the basis of a fairly accurate system of coordinates for any sectional mapping of the Mediterranean based upon the Rhodes parallel.
With the Greek geographers on the contrary, from Eratosthenes to Strabo, the known or habitable world was conceived as a definite and limited portion of the eartha€™s surface, situated wholly within the northern hemisphere, and comprised within about a third of the extent of that section. On one point indeed they were all agreed, that the length of the habitable world, from west to east, greatly exceeded as breadth, from north to south. Moreover, Strabo tells us that to the above total of 74,000 stades Eratosthenes, using another mathematical ploy, added 2,000 at each end, to prevent the width being more than half the length.
Hence he conceived the projecting angle of India to have a direction towards the southeast instead of the south, and even supposed it to advance farther towards the east than the mouth of the Ganges.
On the other hand he stated a strange hypothesis: that the surplus waters of the Euphrates were carried by subterranean channels to Coele, Syria, and thence again underground so as to feed the streams which broke out near Rhinocorura and Mount Casius. Indeed, with Ptolemya€™s inaccurate alterations to the overall dimensions of the world and the oikumene, it can be said to have affected world maps right down to the Age of Discovery. This implies that throughout history maps have been more than just the sum of technical processes or the craftsmanship in their production and more than just a static image of their content frozen in time. The reconstructions of such maps appear in the correct chronology of the originals, irrespective of the date of the reconstruction.
After the fall of Byzantium in 1453, its conqueror, the Turkish Sultan Mohammed II, found in the library that he inherited from the Byzantine rulers a manuscript of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, which lacked the world-map, and he commissioned Georgios Aminutzes, a philosopher in his entourage, to draw up a world map based on Ptolemya€™s text. Comparison of travelersa€™ maps from various periods show the development and change of routes or road-building and allows us to draw conclusions of every kind about the development or decay of farms, villages and towns.
They were artistic treasure-houses, being often decorated with fine miniatures portraying life and customs in distant lands, various types of ships, coats-of-arms, portraits of rulers, and so on.
The development of the map, whether it occurred in one place or at a number of independent hearths, was clearly a conceptual advance - an important increment to the technology of the intellect - that in some respects may be compared to the emergence of literacy or numeracy. The historian of cartography, looking for maps in the art of prehistoric Europe and its adjacent regions, is in exactly the same position as any other scholar seeking to interpret the content, functions, and meanings of that art.


Moreover, there is sufficient evidence for the use of cartographic signs from at least the post-Paleolithic period.
They are impressed on small clay tablets like those generally used by the Babylonians for cuneiform inscriptions of documents, a medium which must have limited the cartographera€™s scope. The survey was carried out, mostly in squares, by professional surveyors with knotted ropes.
We find that the Greek geographer Strabo gives us quite a definite word concerning their value and their construction, and that Ptolemy is so definite in his references to them as to lead to a belief that globes were by no means uncommon instruments in his day, and that they were regarded of much value in the study of geography and astronomy, particularly of the latter science. With stress laid, during the many centuries succeeding, upon matters pertaining to the religious life, there naturally was less concern than there had been in the humanistic days of classical antiquity as to whether the earth is spherical in form, or flat like a circular disc, nor was it thought to matter much as to the form of the heavens.
Hyde Clarke has more than once pointed out in The Legend of the Atlantis of Plato, Royal Historical Society 1886, etc., that Australia must have been known in the most remote antiquity of the early history of civilization, at a time when the intercourse with America was still maintained. Between the lower heaven and the surface of the earth is the atmospheric region, the realm of IM or MERMER, the Wind, where he drives the clouds, rouses the storms, and whence he pours down the rain, which is stored in the great reservoir of Ana, in the heavenly ocean.
Then in a northeasterly direction Homera€™s great river Okeanos would flow along the shores of the Sandwich group, where the volcanic peak of Mt. Aristotlea€™s writings, for example, provide a summary of the theoretical knowledge that underlay the construction of world maps by the end of the Greek Classical Period. Our cartographic knowledge must, therefore, be gleaned largely from literary descriptions, often couched in poetic language and difficult to interpret.
The ambition of Eratosthenes to draw a general map of the oikumene based on new discoveries was also partly inspired by Alexandera€™s exploration. In this case too, the generalizations drawn herein by various authorities (ancient and modern scholars, historians, geographers, and cartographers) are founded upon the chance survival of references made to maps by individual authors. Yet this evidence should not be interpreted to suggest that the Greek contribution to cartography in the early Roman world was merely a passive recital of the substance of earlier advances.
If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. This is perhaps more remarkable in that his work was primarily instructional and theoretical, and it remains debatable if he bequeathed a set of images that could be automatically copied by an uninterrupted succession of manuscript illuminators. While almost certainly fewer maps were made than in the Greco-Roman Period, nevertheless the key concepts of mapping that had been developed in the classical world were preserved in the Byzantine Empire. What is more surprising is that the map marks the location of Wei Shui, now known as the Weihe River, and many canyons in the area. The map of Guixian County has all these elements except longitude and latitude, according to historians. I wondered how much of my money they had wasted by mistakenly enclosing this surplus part in my furniture kit! I feared this piece of dinosauric-appearing hardware—now missing from my construction—might render my piece of furniture too dangerous to use, an oversight that might cause a painful finger pinch or even a fatal collapse upon a favorite family pet!
He valued his job because in this economy, not everyone enjoyed the privilege of working a whole ten-minute workday. It was she that, at game’s end, his belly aching from too much roasted corn, helped him home to his own wheelbarrow. Either this busy team of sales crows had already choked out demand by peddling their wares to every passerby, or, like nervous insects, the customer population had fled the area, taking flight before a predator.
However, it was a difficult sell because the people who needed it most weren’t interested.
Never mind that the added fresh-smelling fragrance held no other functional purpose than to mark its presence. Help yourself to an ice bowling (yes, there really is such a thing) or Frisbee golf championship or two. The sharply-honed tines, intended to turn earth into shreds, hovered menacingly near my loins.
Besides, we don’t have enough put away for retirement, so I would permanently escape that spreadsheet diorama that wallpapers my office.
24, #115) to whom we are indebted for much of our knowledge of geography in antiquity, including the work of Eratosthenes whose relevant works, neither of which have survived, were On the Measurement of the Earth and Geographica, Cleomedes summarized the former, Strabo criticized the latter. The obliquity of the suna€™s course to that of the celestial sphere was of course well known; and hence the great circles of the equinoctial, and the ecliptic, or zodiacal circle, as well as the lesser circles, called the tropics, parallel with the equinoctial, were already familiar to the astronomers of Alexandria. But a much graver error than either of these two was that caused by the erroneous estimate of the actual distance between the two cities.
Towards the north and south it was conceived that the excessive cold in the one case, and the intolerable heat in the other, rendered those regions uninhabitable, and even inaccessible to man. Democritus, two centuries before Eratosthenes, had asserted that it was half as long again as it was broad, and this view was adopted by DicA¦archus (#111), though recent discoveries had in his day materially extended the knowledge of its eastern portions. On the parallel of Rhodes, this total of 78,000 stades corresponds to about 140A° longitude, which is roughly the distance from Korea to the west coat of Spain.
He appears in fact to have obtained, probably from the information collected by Patrocles, a correct general idea of the great projection of India in a southerly direction towards Cape Comorin, but was unable to reconcile this with his previously conceived notions as to its western and northern boundaries, and was thus constrained altogether to distort its position in order to make it agree with what he regarded as established conclusions. Indeed, any history of maps is compounded by a complex series of interactions, involving their intent, their use and their purpose, as well as the process of their making.
All reconstructions are, to a greater or lesser degree, the product of the compiler and the technology of his times. He knew it would be out of date, but that is precisely what he wanted - an ancient map; to perpetuate it, he also had a carpet woven from the drawing. Inferences have to be made about states of mind separated from the present not only by millennia but also - where ethnography is called into service to help illuminate the prehistoric evidence - by the geographical distance and different cultural contexts of other continents. Two of the basic map styles of the historical period, the picture map (perspective view) and the plan (ichnographic view), also have their prehistoric counterparts. However, the measurement of circular and triangular plots was envisaged: advice on this, and plans, are given in the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus of ca.
From Ptolemaic Egypt there is a rough rectangular plan of surveyed land accompanying the text of the Lille Papyrus I, now in Paris; also two from the estate of Apollonius, minister of Ptolemy II.
There is, however, but one example known, which has come down to us from that ancient day, this a celestial globe, briefly described as the Farnese globe. Yet there was no century, not even in those ages we happily are learning to call no longer a€?darka€?, that geography and astronomy were not studied and taught, and globes celestial as well as armillary spheres, if not terrestrial globes, were constructed.
Here however he makes his hero confess that he is wholly out of his bearings, and cannot well say where the sun is to set or to rise (Od. Although these views were continued and developed to a certain extent by their successors, Strabo and Ptolemy, through the Roman period, and more or less entertained during the Middle Ages, they became obscured as time rolled on. The bones of the holy apostle were found, with some relics that were placed in a rich vase. Again, if we consider the Atlantic and North Pacific Oceans as devoid of the American Continent, and the Atlantic Ocean as stretching to the shores of Asia, as Strabo did, the parallel of Iberia (Spain) would have taken Columbusa€™ ships to the north of Japan--i.e. At the time when Alexander the Great set off to conquer and explore Asia and when Pytheas of Massalia was exploring northern Europe, therefore, the sum of geographic and cartographic knowledge in the Greek world was already considerable and was demonstrated in a variety of graphic and three-dimensional representations of the heavens and the earth. In addition, many other ancient texts alluding to maps are further distorted by being written centuries after the period they record; they too must be viewed with caution because they are similarly interpretative as well as descriptive. Eudoxus had already formulated the geocentric hypothesis in mathematical models; and he had also translated his concepts into celestial globes that may be regarded as anticipating the sphairopoiia [mechanical spheres].
And it was at Alexandria that this Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy I Soter, a companion of Alexander, had founded the library, soon to become famous through the Mediterranean world. It seems, though, that having left Massalia, Pytheas put into Gades [Cadiz], then followed the coasts of Iberia [Spain] and France to Brittany, crossing to Cornwall and sailing north along the west coast of England and Scotland to the Orkney Islands.
On the contrary, a principal characteristic of the new age was the extent to which it was openly critical of earlier attempts at mapping. Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes.
This shape was also one which suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade.
90-168), Greek and Roman influences in cartography had been fused to a considerable extent into one tradition. The Almagest, although translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the 12th century, appears to have had little direct influence on the development of cartography. Ptolemya€™s principal legacy was thus to cartographic method, and both the Almagest and the Geography may be regarded as among the most influential works in cartographic history.
However, the maps of Marinus and Ptolemy, one of the latter containing thousands of place-names, were at least partly known to Arabic geographers of the ninth to the 10th century. The most accomplished Byzantine map to survive, the mosaic at Madaba (#121), is clearly closer to the classical tradition than to maps of any subsequent period. He Shuangquan, a research fellow with the Gansu Provincial Archaeological Research Institute, has made an in-depth study of the map and confirmed its drawing time to be 239 B.C.
He had come to enjoy his position as a dirt inspector, a highly respected vocation in the world of wheelbarrows, where subterranean housing is the construction de rigueur.
Before the OSWUF concluded, she had rented a spare bedroom in Edgar’s wheelbarrow from a neighbor, and the rest, as they say, is wheelbarrow history.
They had become so acclimated to the stinky smells embedded in their carpet by incontinent pets that they sensed no objectionable odors. On the cycling shelf, I notice a freshly stocked area listing available records under Tour de France, apparently recently vacated of Lance Armstrong archives. We dismantled the handle bar and gently hoisted it inside, being careful to place the sharp tines on a thick book of maps to keep the leather upholstery from being pierced.
Nor can it be doubted that the discoveries resulting from the conquests of Alexander the Great (ca. Future scholars, however, would have a higher opinion of Eratosthenes, regarding him, a€?as the parent of scientific geographya€? and at least a€?worthy of alphaa€? in that subject, particularly for his remarkable measurement of the circumference of the earth. Moreover it appears that these conceptions, originally applied to the celestial sphere, had been already transferred in theory to the terrestrial globe. What mode of measurement had been resorted to, or how Eratosthenes arrived at his conclusion upon this point, we are wholly without information: but it may well be doubted whether he had recourse to anything like actual menstruation. That there might be inhabitants of the southern hemisphere beyond the torrid zone, or that unknown lands might exist within the boundless and trackless ocean that was supposed to extend around two-thirds of the globe from west to east, was admitted to be theoretically possible, but was treated as mere matter of idle speculation, much as we might at the present day regard the question of the inhabitants on Mars.
The astronomer Eudoxus on the other hand maintained that the length was double the breadth; Eratosthenes went a step farther and determined the length to be more than double the breadth, a statement that continued to be received by subsequent geographers for more than three centuries as an established fact. It was doubtless from the same source that he had learned the name of the Coniaci, as the people inhabiting this southernmost point of India; a name that hence forward became generally received, with slight modifications, by ancient geographers. Therefore, reconstructions are used here only to illustrate the general geographic concepts of the period in which the lost original map was made.
It was said that as the Archangel Gabriel appeared to Zacharias in the holy of holies, Zacharias must have been High Priest and have lived in Jerusalem; John the Baptist would then have been born in Jerusalem.
I have not been able to find any such evidence or artifacts of map making that originated in the South America or Australia.
This is described in an inscription in the Temple of Der-el-Bahri where the ship used for this journey is delineated, but there is no map. It is of marble, and is thought by some to date from the time of Eudoxus, that is, three hundred years before the Christian era.
The Venerable Bede, Pope Sylvester I, the Emperor Frederick II, and King Alfonso of Castile, not to name many others of perhaps lesser significance, displayed an interest in globes and making. See the sketch below of an inverted Chaldean boat transformed into a terrestrial globe, which will give an idea of the possible appearance of early globes. Indeed, wherever we look round the margin of the circumfluent ocean for an appropriate entrance to Hades and Tartaros, we find it, whether in Japan, Iceland, the Azores, or Cape Verde Islands. Terrestrial maps and celestial globes were widely used as instruments of teaching and research. Despite what may appear to be reasonable continuity of some aspects of cartographic thought and practice, in this particular era scholars must extrapolate over large gaps to arrive at their conclusions. By the beginning of the Hellenistic Period there had been developed not only the various celestial globes, but also systems of concentric spheres, together with maps of the inhabited world that fostered a scientific curiosity about fundamental cartographic questions. The library not only accumulated the greatest collection of books available anywhere in the Hellenistic Period but, together with the museum, likewise founded by Ptolemy II, also constituted a meeting place for the scholars of three continents. From there, some authors believe, he made an Arctic voyage to Thule [probably Iceland] after which he penetrated the Baltic. Intellectual life moved to more energetic centers such as Pergamum, Rhodes, and above all Rome, but this promoted the diffusion and development of Greek knowledge about maps rather than its extinction. The main texts, whether surviving or whether lost and known only through later writers, were strongly revisionist in their line of argument, so that the historian of cartography has to isolate the substantial challenge to earlier theories and frequently their reformulation of new maps. There is a case, accordingly, for treating them as a history of one already unified stream of thought and practice. With translation of the text of the Geography into Latin in the early 15th century, however, the influence of Ptolemy was to structure European cartography directly for over a century.
It would be wrong to over emphasize, as so much of the topographical literature has tended to do, a catalog of Ptolemya€™s a€?errorsa€?: what is vital for the cartographic historian is that his texts were the carriers of the idea of celestial and terrestrial mapping long after the factual content of the coordinates had been made obsolete through new discoveries and exploration.
Similarly, in the towns, although only the Forma Urbis Romae is known to us in detail, large-scale maps were recognized as practical tools recording the lines of public utilities such as aqueducts, displaying the size and shape of imperial and religious buildings, and indicating the layout of streets and private property. But the transmission of Ptolemya€™s Geography to the West came about first through reconstruction by Byzantine scholars and only second through its translation into Latin (1406) and its diffusion in Florence and elsewhere.
But as the dichotomy increased between the use of Greek in the East and Latin in the West, the particular role of Byzantine scholars in perpetuating Greek texts of cartographic interest becomes clearer.
Forested areas marked on the map also tallies with the distribution of various plants and the natural environment in the area today.
He was proud that even though he was only nine months old, he had already worked at the job for four months, nearly half his life. Thus the idea of the globe of the earth, as it would present itself to the mind of Eratosthenes, or any of his more instructed contemporaries, did not differ materially from that of the modern geographer. But as a mathematical ploy, in order to achieve a number divisible by 60 or 360, so as to correlate stades with his subdivisions or degrees, he emended this to 252,000 stades [a stade, stadion, stadia], originally the distance covered by a plough before turning, was 600 feet of whatever standard was used]. Indeed the difficulty which modern experience has shown to attend this apparently simple operation, where scientific accuracy is required, renders it highly improbable that it was even attempted; and the round number of 5,000 stades at once points to its being no more than a rough approximation.
No one person or area of study is capable of embracing the whole field; and cartographers, like workers in other activities, have become more and more specialized with the advantages and disadvantages which this inevitably brings. Nevertheless, reconstructions of maps which are known to have existed, and which have been made a long time after the missing originals, can be of great interest and utility to scholars. It has been shown how these could have appealed to the imagination not only of an educated minority, for whom they sometimes became the subject of careful scholarly commentary, but also of a wider Greek public that was already learning to think about the world in a physical and social sense through the medium of maps. The relative smallness of the inhabited world, for example, later to be proved by Eratosthenes, had already been dimly envisaged. The confirmation of the sources of tin (in the ancient Cassiterides or Tin Islands) and amber (in the Baltic) was of primary interest to him, together with new trade routes for these commodities. Indeed, we can see how the conditions of Roman expansion positively favored the growth and applications of cartography in both a theoretical and a practical sense. The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South.
Here, however, though such a unity existed, the discussion is focused primarily on the cartographic contributions of Ptolemy, writing in Greek within the institutions of Roman society. In the history of the transmission of cartographic ideas it is indeed his work, straddling the European Middle Ages, that provides the strongest link in the chain between the knowledge of mapping in the ancient and early modem worlds.
Finally, the interpretation of modem scholars has progressively come down on the side of the opinion that Ptolemy or a contemporary probably did make at least some of the maps so clearly specified in his texts. Some types of Roman maps had come to possess standard formats as well as regular scales and established conventions for depicting ground detail. In the case of the sea charts of the Mediterranean, it is still unresolved whether the earliest portolan [nautical] charts of the 13th century had a classical antecedent.
Byzantine institutions, particularly as they developed in Constantinople, facilitated the flow of cartographic knowledge both to and from Western Europe and to the Arab world and beyond. Two children had followed (one of them born prematurely, a mere five day pregnancy), requiring him to add bedrooms to his second basement subterranean dwelling.
The same thing was the case in ancient times, and it is highly probable that if you could now recover the map of the world as it was generally received in the time of the first Ptolemies, we should find it still retaining many of the erroneous views of Herodotus and HecatA¦us (#109 and #108).
For all geographical purposes, at least as the term was understood in his day, the difference between the geocentric and the heliocentric theories of the universe would be unimportant. A conversion to modern units of measure finds Eratosthenesa€™ calculation to be somewhere between 45,007 km (27,967 miles) to 39,690 km (24,663 miles), as compared to actual equatorial circumference of 40,075 km (24,902 miles), there has always been some controversy over the equivalent modern length of a stade as used by Eratosthenes. But even considered as such, it exceeds the truth to a degree that one could hardly have expected, in a country so well known as Egypt, and in an age so civilized as that of the Ptolemies.
The possibilities include those for which specific information is available to the compiler and those that are described or merely referred to in the literature.
Some saw in the a€?hill countrya€™ Hebron, a place that had for a long time been a leading Levitical city, while others held that Juda was the Levitical city concerned. The fact that King Sargon of Akkad was making military expeditions westwards from about 2,330 B.C.
The whole northern region, of sea as he supposed it, from west to east, was known to him only by Phoenician reports. If a literal interpretation was followed, the cartographic image of the inhabited world, like that of the universe as a whole, was often misleading; it could create confusion or it could help establish and perpetuate false ideas. It had been the subject of comment by Plato, while Aristotle had quoted a figure for the circumference of the earth from a€?the mathematiciansa€? at 400,000 stades; he does not explain how he arrived at this figure, which may have been Eudoxusa€™ estimate. It would appear from what is known about Pytheasa€™ journeys and interests that he may have undertaken his voyage to the northern seas partly in order to verify what geometry (or experiments with three dimensional models) have taught him. Not only had the known world been extended considerably through the Roman conquests - so that new empirical knowledge had to be adjusted to existing theories and maps - but Roman society offered a new educational market for the cartographic knowledge codified by the Greeks. Ptolemy owed much to Roman sources of information and to the extension of geographical knowledge under this growing empire: yet he represents a culmination as well as a final synthesis of the scientific tradition in Greek cartography that has been highlighted in this introduction.
Yet it is perhaps in the importance accorded the map as a permanent record of ownership or rights over property, whether held by the state or by individuals, that Roman large-scale mapping most clearly anticipated the modern world. If they had, one would suppose it to be a map connected with the periploi [sea itineraries]. Our sources point to only a few late glimpses of these transfers, as when Planudes took the lead in Ptolemaic research, for example. As we leave, I wish a good evening to our fellow diner who always protects the same seat in the same corner so that he can read his books.
Alexandria is in fact situated at a distance of about 530 geographical miles (5,300 stades) from Syene, as measured on the map along the nearest road but the direct distance between the two, or the arc of the great circle intercepts between the two points, which is what Eratosthenes intended to measure, amounts to only 453 miles or 4,530 stades. Viewed in its development through time, the map is a sensitive indicator of the changing thought of man, and few of these works seem to reflect such an excellent mirror of culture and civilization. Of a different order, but also of interest, are those maps made in comparatively recent times that are designed to illustrate the geographical ideas of a particular person or group in the past but are suggested by no known maps. Many solutions to this problem were put forward, but it was solved once and for all by the Madaba map, which showed, between Jerusalem and Hebron, a place called Beth Zachari: the house of Zacharias.
The paucity of evidence of clearly defined representations of constellations in rock art, which should be easily recognized, seems strange in view of the association of celestial features with religious or cosmological beliefs, though it is understandable if stars were used only for practical matters such as navigation or as the agricultural calendar. The celestial globe had reinforced the belief in a spherical and finite universe such as Aristotle had described; the drawing of a circular horizon, however, from a point of observation, might have perpetuated the idea that the inhabited world was circular, as might also the drawing of a sphere on a flat surface. Aristotle also believed that only the ocean prevented a passage around the world westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to India.
The result was that his observations served not merely to extend geographical knowledge about the places he had visited, but also to lay the foundation for the scientific use of parallels of latitude in the compilation of maps.
Many influential Romans both in the Republic and in the early Empire, from emperors downward, were enthusiastic Philhellenes and were patrons of Greek philosophers and scholars. In this respect, Rome had provided a model for the use of maps that was not to be fully exploited in many parts of the world until the 18th and 19th centuries. But in order to reach an understanding of the historical processes involved in the period, we must examine the broader channels for Christian, humanistic, and scientific ideas rather than a single map, or even the whole corpus of Byzantine cartography. But we have no information as to the data on which these first crude attempts were based, or the mode by which he authors arrived at their results.
Eratosthenes, therefore, in fixing the length of this arc at 5,000 stades, was 470 beyond the truth. The maps of early man, which pre-date other forms of written communication, were attempts to depict earth distributions graphically in order to better visualize them; like those of primitive peoples, the earliest maps served specific functional or practical needs.
Excavations on this site revealed the foundations of a little church, with a fragment of a mosaic that contained the name a€?Zachariasa€?. What is certainly different is the place and prominence of maps in prehistoric times as compared with historical times, an aspect associated with much wider issues of the social organization, values, and philosophies of two very different types of cultures, the oral and the literate. Later we encounter itineraries, referring either to military or to trading expeditions and provide an indication of the extent of Babylonian geographical knowledge at an early date.
Another of a land, also in the north, where a man, who could dispense with sleep, might earn double wages, as there was hardly any night. There was, however, evidently no consensus between cartographic theorists, and there seems in particular to have been a gap between the acceptance of the most advanced scientific theories and their translation into map form. Viewed in this context, some of the essential cartographic impulses of the 15th century Renaissance in Italy are seen to have been already active in late Byzantine society.
Maps were also frequently used purely for decoration; they furnished designs for Gobelins tapestries, were engraved on goblets of gold and silver, tables, and jewel-caskets, and used in frescoes, mosaics, etc. They do not go so far as to record distances, but they do mention the number of nights spent at each place, and sometimes include notes or drawings of localities passed through.
He probably had the first account from some sailor who had visited the northern latitudes in summer; and the second from one who had done the like in winter.
The influence of these views on Chinese cartography, however, remained slight, for it revolved around the basic plan of a quantitative rectangular grid, taking no account of the curvature of the eartha€™s surface.
The difference in latitude between Alexandria and Syene really amounts to only 7A° 5a€™, so that the direct distance between the two cities, supposing them to have been really situated on the same meridian (as Eratosthenes assumed them to be) would not have exceeded 425 miles or 4,250 stades, instead of 5,000.
It was not until the 18th century, however, that maps were gradually stripped of their artistic decoration and transformed into plain, specialist sources of information based upon measurement.
As in Greek and Roman inscriptions, some documents record the boundaries of countries or cities. At the same time Chinese geography was always thoroughly naturalistic, as witness the passage about rivers and mountains from the LA? Shih Chhun Chhiu.



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