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These projects were set up to investigate people's own notions of the relationship between the food they ate, and their health. To accumulate new information on food choices in Britain and the processes - social, cultural, political and economic - which lead to such choices in a diversity of settings, and in a rapidly changing situation. To encourage greater understanding of people's ideas about the relationship between food and health which may prove of practical use in seeking to improve diet and therefore morbidity and mortality rates.
To refine anthropological theory and methodology in the area of food and diet by combining the approaches of political economy and cultural analysis, and by working at the micro-level, but situating the research in a much broader political, economic and geographical, as well as historical context. To demonstrate the value of anthropological analysis, especially the importance of symbolism, categorisation, and social relationships in the understanding of people's choice of diet. All of the interviews with both general and professional informants were transcribed and entered on to a computer data-base (QSR NU.DIST) which allows for sophisticated analysis of textual material.
Patterns of diet are complex, and cannot always be correlated in any simple way with factors such as ethnicity, class, or age, although these are important. There have been significant changes in diets during this century, and particularly over the last twenty-five years.
The 'proper meal', which has to be cooked from at least some raw ingredients, remains an important ideal norm, and is adhered to by the vast majority of informants at least once a day, although the 'Sunday dinner' is less significant for most informants under 40 than for older informants. Some categories of the population have recently made innovations in diet to include pasta dishes, even curries and Chinese food.
This area is one with a high incidence of coronary heart disease and other diet-related diseases, and has been targeted for healthy eating advice through campaigns such as 'Heart-beat Wales'. Economic constraints also play a part in ability to adopt a 'healthy eating' diet: fruit and vegetables available locally are relatively expensive. There is a significant tourist industry in the area, and catering facilities to service it.


Thus study has addressed, inter alia, reasons for the relative failure of healthy eating campaigns and why people eat what they do when they 'know' it is unhealthy.
In order to do this it was considered important to situate food choices in their social and cultural context.
A variety of methods was used in this research, including open-ended, semi-structured interviews with both general informants and with retail, catering and health professionals.
Janice Williams, also engaged in participant observation by joining several local associations, including the Women's Institute, Wine Club, and Gardening Club, and attending meetings and other activities. Earlier this century, most farms were largely self-sufficient in food, and even townspeople kept pigs and grew vegetables. The town has a variety of small food shops, and is half an hour's drive from two larger towns, each of which has small supermarkets.
For the majority of people, a proper meal should include meat in some form, although there were a number of vegetarians among our informants, and not all of these were 'alternatives'.
There are strong cultural reasons for this, including norms of hospitality and sociality, as well as continuity with past traditions. Many have moved from cities to this area to seek a new life-style, part of which includes a whole-food, organic, and perhaps vegetarian or vegan diet. A significant number of older townsfolk with health problems such as arthritis has experimented with a variety of diets in an attempt to alleviate their symptoms.
Some of these include establishments offering a 'Welsh cuisine' which has, effectively, been 'invented' over the last twenty-five years, drawing on 'traditional' dishes and locally available items. It has done so by analysing various forms of knowledge, incorporating both lay and expert notions of risk and scepticism, as well as cultural notions of the body and its relation to food.
General informants included men and women of all ages, both Welsh and English-speaking, from middle and working class backgrounds.


The food frequency questionnaires were analysed by means of the Paradox data-base to obtain general statistical data about frequency of consumption of particular foods and to round out studies of particular households already interviewed. Today both rural-dwellers and townsfolk buy virtually all their own food, except for members of the 'alternative' communities, many of whom seek to practise as great a degree of self-sufficiency as possible.
One has recently acquired a large branch of Tesco, which has had a significant effect on shopping patterns. There is a relative lack of concern with body image, and a very low incidence of eating disorders.
There are also a large number of practitioners of complementary medicine in the area who tend to give dietary advice as well as remedies, and who have been consulted by significant numbers of non-alternatives. Tourists themselves often seek out an 'authentic', regional cuisine, as well as foods which contain nostalgic associations.
It has also studied some of the social relations involved in purchase, preparation and consumption of food, showing that what people eat is not only based upon individual choices and preferences, but is formed and constrained by circumstances which are essentially social and cultural. Such food is considered as a 'treat' and particularly suitable for the 'release' of holiday eating, as opposed to the 'control' which is more suitable for everyday life at home, and which frequently includes concerns about healthy eating. Selected local informants also kept 7-day food diaries, and filled in food frequency questionnaires, and a questionnaire was also filled out by local school children.
This a dichotomy lends further weight to the notion that there continues to be a perceived discrepancy between eating 'good food' and 'food which is good for you'.
Approaches to food and eating from a social science perspective' Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 1, no.



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