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Should the Royal Navy deploy within the UK littoral to support Home Office maritime security forces to protect us from terrorists and people smugglers as recommended by the Home Affairs Select Committee on 3rd August 2016?
Chapter 4 on National Security Objective 1, describes how MOD will protect our people at home, in our Overseas Territories and abroad, and protect our territory, economic security, infrastructure and way of life, using the full spectrum of our national power.
4.13 We will use all of our capabilities to defend our sovereignty and territorial integrity, and our Armed Forces are ready to use force when required. 4.14 The Royal Air Force protects our airspace and is ready at all times to intercept rogue aircraft. 4.15 In 2011 we established the UK National Maritime Information Centre to coordinate information about our maritime security, nationally and with international partners.
4.32 The essential role of our Armed Forces is to defend the UK so that we can live in peace. 4.37 To support the delivery of this strategy, our defence policy sets the Armed Forces eight missions. Thus, it makes sense, and is already a stated SDSR task, to use the RN to support the Home Office to provide coastal and maritime security against organised crime gangs smuggling people, weapons, drugs, contraband, etc. The six expensive, and currently alongside, Type 45 destroyers are insufficient and inappropriate for such roles and tasking. Coastal maritime security is an evermore important and critical task now that the UK is leaving the EU and will be under immigration invasion from the whole EU North Sea and channel coastline, Eire coastal ports across the Irish Sea, and the open land border with NI. This use of our Armed Forces for MACA to enhance maritime security shows the UK public how the military contributes to UK security when not deployed abroad – good PR, public engagement and recruiting activity. Such a pan-government Maritime Security Force would rapidly deliver an urgently needed effective UK maritime security strategy – a coherent pan-government department cooperation and coordination Capability run from the UK National Maritime Information Centre (NMIC, perhaps renamed the UK Maritime Security Centre (MSC)), reporting to the National Security Centre (NCS). 3 – Rapidly evolve a Joint, Home Office-led, Maritime Security Centre, based on the NMIC, bringing together security risk oversight, tasking and resources coordination from UK Border Force, Maritime Coastguard Agency, Police, RN, etc, maritime security intelligence, forces and resources. 4 – rapidly develop a UK maritime security industrial strategy to harmonise and deploy common, modularly designed, and task configurable RN OPVs and similar sized HO maritime security vessels. 5 – Investigate where Army and RAF resources can support this immediate maritime security task, and other Homeland security tasks as part of the envisaged SDSR recommended improved MOD support to Homeland Resilience tasking.
British Principles of War – Are They Applied in 21st Century UK Defence Policy and Planning? The Transportation Security Administration (TSA) has identified a massive new threat to domestic airline security.
Last week, TSA announced what it called “enhanced security measures” in which passengers will be required to power up their cell phones before boarding their flight.
Your cell phone is evidently part of a “global threat environment,” and so it must be turned on in order to prove that it’s a legitimate mobile device.
The first proposition would seem to be a simple one: all TSA checkpoints could maintain a handful of phone chargers as a both a courtesy and a vital means of assessing security threats. Well, you can buy a ten-device USB charger for about four bucks, so I guess that takes care of the “what” and “cost” questions.
The larger problem is that this new announcement suggests that TSA is simply unable to tell whether or not a phone or a laptop is a bomb. If the geniuses at TSA can’t move their own expensive equipment to their own checkpoints staffed by their own employees, can we really expect them to figure out whether or not your iPhone is an explosive device? Anyhow, if you’re surprised by all this, it’s because you haven’t been paying attention. In spite of all these and countless more assaults on American liberties and dignities, the TSA has still allowed multiple major security breaches at numerous high-stakes airports.
But for all its wanton antagonism and serial ineptness, TSA is still going to throw your phone or laptop away if it runs out of juice.
Copyright © 2016 The Federalist, a wholly independent division of FDRLST Media, All Rights Reserved. The single enduring element of the US posture and presence in Africa is a forward operating site at Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti, which provides a critical platform for the activities of multiple combatant commands.
Djibouti began cooperating in the US-led war against terrorism shortly after the events of 11 September 2001, and several hundred American troops were subsequently stationed at Camp Le Monier (also referred to initially as Le Monier barracks), beginning in April 2002. US naval vessels and aircraft used Djibouti's facilities, and the 2 countries perform joint military exercises.

Djibouti was a major, well-equipped, international port, whose management had been recently turned over to a Dubai-based company. From 1991 to 2000, the Djiboutian government fought a civil war against Afar rebels of the FRUD (Front for the Restoration of the Democratic Unity). The Republic of Djibouti is a small country (8,250 square miles - about the size of Massachusetts), located at the juncture of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. Lacking natural resources, Djibouti's economy was service-based, with the country's seaport and a railroad linking it to Addis Ababa accounting for the bulk of economic activity. According to a November 2002 VOA news report, about 450 Army troops plus 50 civilian defense workers were reportedly operating a forward staging base for soldiers and military equipment heading to Kuwait in support of Operation Desert Spring.
For example, our domestic work is led by the Home Office, but also involves a wide range of other government and law enforcement agencies. We will enhance joint working between law enforcement agencies and the Royal Navy to increase patrolling in our territorial waters. But our borders are also a critical line of defence at which we can and do identify and disrupt threats to our security, including from terrorism and serious and organised crime.
Apart from the few specialised tasks the smaller RN vessels undertake (Gibraltar Squadron, submarine security), when not deployed abroad, what else should these vessels be used for, but enhance UK maritime security as other departments increase their Capabilities? A major consequence of BREXIT is that the UK needs to increase, maximise and harmonise UK security and military assets to protect our shores and borders. DS recommends that, as a minimum, fuel, extra maintenance and any extra task-linked overhead costs (not manpower as these are already covered by MOD) for this support should be charged to the Home Office as any MACA task would be. A few questions spring to mind as a result of this new announcement: is the TSA incapable of simply having a phone charger on hand with which to test a “powerless device?” And is the agency so criminally inept that it has no way to determine whether a “powerless device” is, in fact, an explosive device?
Or it could merely use a passenger’s AC adapter and plug it into one of the outlets in the security checkpoint. You can always find at least one TSA agent standing around a checkpoint doing nothing, so the manpower needed to power on a device for 10 seconds seems negligible. The agency, for instance, possessed nearly five hundred baggage screening devices locked up in storage, over a third of them for more than a year. Placing the burden on you is what the TSA does, whether or not it’s throwing away your expensive electronic device or inflicting humiliating misery on you and your family. So the agency’s belligerent disregard of our constitutional liberties is not even very likely to keep you safe. On 19 September 2002, US military officials said 800 special-operations troops had moved to Djibouti, where they could be used to hunt for al-Qaida terrorists in nearby Yemen.
In 1996 and 1997, Yemen expressed an interest to improve relationships with the United States.
Djibouti had a coastline of 314 kilometers and the Red Sea was known to be very rich in fish. This task had previously been carried out in Kuwait, but Djibouti had become the site of choice, as a result of the training opportunities it provided to the Army's combat service support personnel and in moving troops and equipment into potential battle zones using both naval and aerial routes. Our security and intelligence agencies work closely together, and with law enforcement, military, industry and international partners, to protect our national security. Our investment in Maritime Patrol Aircraft will significantly improve our ability to maintain our maritime security. We will also improve aerial surveillance operations and information sharing across government. Such a flotilla could supplement Police, Border Force and Maritime Coastguard Agency (MCA) to properly protect our coast with an inter-operable fleet of littoral and open water capable ships. Such support would provide the RN and RM with more public engagement and visibility around the UK, not just a few major South coast ports. Openly doubtful about the idea of the TSA testing dead mobile devices to see if they’re legitimate, fellow Federalist contributor Gabriel Malor demanded, “With what? And while I’m not sure how we “make foreign airport security comply,” I’m sure the TSA could find a way, given how creative a department it’s proven itself to be. A cursory examination of the average federal bureau or your local public school official lineup will suffice to prove it. Meanwhile, the bureaucracy had also socked away nearly 1,500 “Explosive Trace Detectors” in its massive storehouse in Dallas (the TSA “purchased more than we needed in order to get a discount”).

This strategic posture was enhanced by the signing of an Implementing Arrangement in May 2014 that secures our presence in Djibouti through 2044.
Military Police personnel were also known to be deployed in Djibouti, although Pentagon officials stressed police deployments were routine for security purposes during foreign deployments.
This included $2.7 million in emergency food aid, $2 million to start a humanitarian demining program, and $100,000 for self-help, democracy and human rights. The Navy was looking for another port at that time, partially because of the unsatisfactory conditions that existed in Djibouti. Djibouti's population of approximately 600,000 was predominantly Muslim and mainly of Somali or Afar origin. Traditional fishing was still used and provides jobs for up to 1,000 Djiboutians as of the early 2000s.
According to the news report, an estimated 2 brigades worth of equipment and troops had moved through Djibouti, with half of it transiting to Kuwait and the other half transiting back to the United States. Our diplomatic work led by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) builds effective, long-term partnerships overseas, which enable us better to disrupt threats to the UK and tackle them at source. This could be the basis of a UK maritime security and defence industrial procurement strategy to innovate, sustain and invigorate the UK ship building industry. The Army and RAF Regiment, with appropriate law enforcement support, could also assist in securing UK borders and coastline as a Homeland Security task. And yet we’re asked to believe that the TSA, a department with a multibillion-dollar budget and a frightening amount of state-backed power, cannot somehow utilize some phone-scanning equipment through which you could slide your Galaxy and be on your way. The agency has repeatedly shown itself to be critically incompetent and incapable of running a cost-effective and efficient operation. If a bajillion dollars worth of perfectly good equipment thrown in a storage shed is good enough for them, then a perfectly good smartphone in the trash should be good enough for you. TSA agents will go into conniptions over a special formula for sick children, even when they’ve been warned ahead of time. You can guarantee the TSA’s betting on it, anyway, and if the past is any indication, they have excellent odds. Posture and presence in Europe also provide vital support to the US mission, and include a joint intelligence analysis support center in the United Kingdom and crisis response forces stationed in Spain, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom to enable rapid deployment to the African continent. Dispatching the troops to Djbouti, and also sending a ship to the region with 2,000, US officials said they had no specific intelligence on any al-Qaida terrorists in Yemen or anywhere else in the region as of 2002. The country retained close relations with France and other Western nations, as well as with Islamic states. The US Navy had been in Djibouti for refueling, and was interested in terminating that contract because at that time in Djibouti the threat conditions were far worse.
A new fishing port, inaugurated in 1999, was designed to boost this sector and attract more extensive and modern fishing techniques. To wit, instead of deploying expensive machines that could both lessen wait times and increase airport security, the boneheads in charge let millions of dollars worth of scanners and bomb sniffers gather dust in a Texas warehouse. The agency will force crippled children to walk on their own (the TSA is truly monstrous towards disabled kids).
The port was extremely busy, with many small boats, and the conditions ashore and in the government were not satisfactory.
There was a small but influential Arab population, mainly from Yemen, and a European community of approximately 10,000, primarily French. Indeed, in the grand scheme of TSA undertakings, it would hardly even merit an internal memo. Peace treaties were signed with different factions of the FRUD in 1994 and February 2000, bringing an end to the guerilla war. Its agents will throw hissy fits if someone films them (if you were engaged in such depravities, wouldn’t you?).

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