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Poor white Americans’ current crisis shouldn’t have caught the rest of the country as off guard as it has. Sometime during the past few years, the country started talking differently about white Americans of modest means. National security has become a cornerstone of the case against Donald Trump—and high-profile support matters.
Of all the arguments Hillary Clinton has made against Donald Trump, the charge that he cannot be trusted with America’s nuclear codes may prove most memorable.
Fifteen years ago this September 11, 19 terrorists, using four jetliners as guided missiles, killed 2,977 people—and enveloped the country in fear. Barack Obama remembers that after the second plane hit, he left the Chicago building that housed his state-Senate office.
What to make of the combination of bedazzled femininity and ferocious athleticism that defines women’s gymnastics? At that point the gathered women began sharing their nerves-before-competition stories, talking over each other with giddy mentions of the shaking hands and near-vom experiences that came when they finally—finally—found themselves on the Olympic stage. In 2006, Donald Trump made plans to purchase the Menie Estate, near Aberdeen, Scotland, aiming to convert the dunes and grassland into a luxury golf resort. That’s what has usually happened whenever a large proportion of Americans have been upset with the distribution of their country’s wealth.
In one of the biggest moments of Hillary Clinton’s convention speech, the Democratic nominee promised that under her presidency, “Wall Street, corporations, and the super-rich are going to start paying their fair share of taxes.” The crowd went wild.
This idea, that the wealthiest Americans have been helped along financially by their ability to  shortchange the tax system, is a popular view at a time when the divide between the richest and everyone else continues to grow.
More than 50 former national-security officials are lining up against their party’s nominee, but most of the GOP’s elected officials are still in his corner.


It’s one thing to say that you won’t support Trump, but an entirely different thing to say who you’ll vote for instead.
On July 20, Donald Trump shocked the Western politico-military establishment when he told The New York Times that the United States would protect Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, the three formerly Soviet Baltic countries that joined NATO in 2004, from a Russian attack only if they have “fulfilled their obligations to us.” In one fell stroke, Trump proposed to jettison the alliance’s foundational Article 5, which guarantees collective defense, in favor of some impromptu financial calculus. The Republican nominee’s push to pour more money into roads and bridges than Hillary Clinton is his latest break with conservatives, and it’s drawing criticism from one of his own economic advisers. Donald Trump, builder of hotels, casinos, luxury apartment buildings, and golf courses, now wants to rebuild America.
Hillary Clinton has proposed $275 billion in direct spending on infrastructure over five years, plus another $225 billion in loans and loan-guarantee programs. It was the first sustained attack on American soil since the bombing of Pearl Harbor, which was a far-off military base.
Not just to disease, tornadoes, accidents, or criminals, but to the kinds of enemies that had always threatened others but never us. He and the estate’s owner, Tom Griffin, sat down to discuss the transaction at the Cock & Bull restaurant. According to a Gallup poll, 63 percent of Americans say the distribution of money and wealth is unfair, and just over half favor higher taxes on the rich. Representative Scott Rigell, who hails from the Virginia Beach area, became the first member of the House to say he would vote for Libertarian nominee Gary Johnson in November. His district is moderate, he’s broken party ranks (to vote against shutting down the government) before, and he’s retiring at the end of this term—just like Richard Hanna, the New York member who said last week that he’d vote for Hillary Clinton rather than Trump. Then, during his acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention two days later, he declared NATO “obsolete” for failing to “properly cover terror,” adding that "many member countries [are] not paying their fair share [into the alliance]. There was much discussion of “white working-class voters,” with whom the Democrats, and especially Barack Obama, were having such trouble connecting.


But as the Clinton campaign courts Republicans as it makes its national-security case, will it alienate progressive Democrats along the way? This massacre hit the center of our government and blasted away part of our most iconic skyline. Griffin recalls that Trump was a hard-nosed negotiator, reluctant to give in on even the tiniest details. Never mind that this overbroad category of Americans—the exit pollsters’ definition was anyone without a four-year college degree, or more than a third of the electorate—obliterated major differences in geography, ethnicity, and culture. It left a stench that New Yorkers could smell weeks later as remains continued to be recovered from the ashes.
But, as Michael D’Antonio writes in his recent biography of Trump, Never Enough, Griffin’s most vivid recollection of the evening pertains to the theatrics. He’s eagerly courted Republicans, trying to get them to defect, and publicly saying that 2012 nominee Mitt Romney was considering an endorsements.
The label served to conjure a vast swath of salt-of-the-earth citizens living and working in the wide-open spaces between the coasts—Sarah Palin’s “real America”—who were dubious of the effete, hifalutin types increasingly dominating the party that had once purported to represent the common man.
It was as if the golden-haired guest sitting across the table were an actor playing a part on the London stage.
He hasn’t gone full Putin and hunted shirtless on horseback with his press pool, but he has alluded to the size of his penis from the stage of a presidential primary debate.




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