National food security bill 2013 ppt,organic fruit and vegetables in durban,fruit cocktail float,garden netting deer - Good Point

Author: admin, 31.12.2014. Category: Organic Food

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National Food Security Bill (NFSB)- Will it make the Dream of a Hunger-Free India into a Reality? The revised Bill along with Food Ministrya€™s 81 amendments will be tabled for approval at the Union Cabinet meeting. Ignoring concerns expressed by allies and civil society groups, the United Progressive Alliance government is all set to push for an ordinance on the Food Security Bill. The government has justified an ordinance on the ground that the Opposition had thwarted all its attempts to bring the Bill in Parliament (although the revised Bill was brought on the last day of the budget session) and that the rollout would take at least six months. There is also a view that in case the principal Opposition party, the Bharatiya Janata Party, does not allow Parliament to function and the ordinance cannot be ratified by Parliament, then the UPA will go to the polls with the claim that the BJP did not allow a rights-based bill to be passed.
On its part, the BJP wants to show its support for the Bill by seeking an early monsoon session or a special session to debate it.
However, it appears that the UPA, particularly the Congress, wants to go it alone, this being an election promise. Getting the food bill going through an ordinance on the eve of a possible early election will be considered by many as a form of bribery for getting votes for the UPA besides, as the article says, there wiill be many problems in administering the public distribution system. A very disparate move by Congress to catch the rural votes and hide behind all the scams and corruption charges. From the simulated battlefield with arms mounted on warriors, models of furniture, ceremonial coaches, photographs and memorabilia to paintings of the 19th Century a€“ all this and more is up for public display at the new Rashtrapati Bhavan Museum. In this file picture, activists protest against the National Food Security Bill and the recommendations of Tendulkar Committee in New Delhi. As it is drafted, the Bill actually deprives people, and the State governments, of existing rights on multiple counts. The Food Security Bill finalised by a Group of Ministers should not be accepted by Parliament in its present form. I see no reason as to why govt should not revert to cash transfer directly into the bank or post office accounts of the women heads of the family based on the UID.Biometric identtification is the only way to curb corrupt practices to stop leakages in PDS. Introducing cash transfer scheme to the targeted beneficiaries in lieu of their foodgrain entitlements will make looting more easier for our politicians.I think it is not a prudent decision asking the State Governments to bear all these huge expenditures,sharing between central and state governments may be better.
The Union Cabinet on Sunday cleared the National Food Security Bill, the UPA government?s much-awaited move to provide about 63 per cent of people across the country with legal entitlement to cheap foodgrains.
The Food Security Bill, which is close to Congress president Sonia Gandhi’s heart, is likely to be introduced in Parliament before the current winter session ends. Army personnel pay tribute to jawans who died in Kargil War on Kargil Vijay Diwas in Kozhikode on ..
Punjab Police and BSF Jawans patrol after they captured suspected terrorists in Jalandhar's Khurla.. A couple carry their mother Runuka Devi on a palanquin to Gola Gokarannath from Kachla Ganga Ghaat.. The revised Bill along with Food Ministry’s 81 amendments will be tabled for approval in the Union Cabinet meeting on Thursday.
Thomas and key ally and NCP chief Sharad Pawar are known to have expressed concern over taking the ordinance route. Thomas met Congress president Sonia Gandhi last week after which he spoke to UPA allies, including Mr. Pawar stated recently that he was not against the Bill, indicating his willingness to go along with whatever the Cabinet decides. Already some of the States have enacted rights-based food Bill and several others are providing foodgrain through the public distribution system.
It now depends on the Opposition how to make voter understand that Congress will throw some crumbs to grab the flesh for their leaders after coming to power. The overriding negative features of the proposed legislation far outweigh its positive initiatives. As we struggle to reduce the fertility rate, I think it would be appropriate to link the benefits to the number of children in the family too.
What will happen to someone who falls above poverty line, just because he earns one rupee more then the limit?
Each and every law needs transition along with the passage of time.However,it is the prime responsibility of the govt.

Every person shall have physical, economic and social access, at all times, either directly or by means of financial purchases, to quantitatively and qualitatively adequate, sufficient and safe food, which ensures an active and healthy life. The state government shall provide priority households whether rural or urban a minimum of 7kg of food grains per person per month, at a price not exceeding Rs. According to this Bill in order to provide subsidised food grain, population say in rural India will have to be divided into three categories - priority, general and excluded. I thank Brinda jee to make us aware about bills advantages and loopholes in constructive way. The prime minister would be the chairman of the council with various federal ministers as its members, sources in the Ministry of National Food Security and Research said. Some of the allies have also let it be known that the proposal for an ordinance was moved during the previous Cabinet meeting without prior consultation.
Pawar, Rashtriya Lok Dal chief Ajit Singh and Farooq Abdullah of the National Conference to get them on board. The Trinamool Congress, Biju Janata Dal and All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam will also move amendments. The framework itself is questionable since the Central government usurps all powers to decide the numbers, criteria and schemes while imposing a substantial level of expenditure on the State governments. Also, your mention that UID Adhar can only control 'impersonation' but not 'leakages and the diversions ', is not logical. The argument that giving more grains to large families is like punishing the people with small families especialy in place like kerala, is extremely weird. Those household which is larger will now get more rice for example a household of 6 people will now get 42Kg, and can free up some fund for education of these kids instead. Even the drafters of the Bill are unable to identify in their native villages (forget India) who will come in the priority category and who will come in the general category? However, after the intervention of Sonia Gandhi, the Cabinet held a special meeting on Sunday exclusively to discuss this issue and gave its nod. 1 per kg per month to 67 per cent of the population to be identified by the State governments.
So that the PDS quota would also apply to the people who fall above the poverty line, but are still poor. Grain subsidy is to ensure that people do not starve and so it should be based on the number of mouths to feed. The second flaw of unnecessary bloating the poverty with no commensurate capacity built up based on the agriculture production levels in India also does not do any good. According to the Bill, there is no provision to identify who will be excluded from the third category? Giving details of the Terms of References (TORs), the sources said that the council would work for enhancing policy coordination across provinces including areas like food, agriculture and livestock.
Each beneficiary will be entitled to 5 kg per month as against 35 kg per household at present.
At the Chief Ministers' Conference in February 2010, the government's agenda paper gave the total number of APL (above poverty line) and BPL (below poverty line) households covered by the Targeted Public Distribution System as 18.03 crore. Instead the qty should be linked to the buffer stock divided by the total number of BPL households. In addition, the council would work for implementing policy initiatives for enhancing agriculture and livestock productivity and would be responsible for initiating market reforms and addressing issues of market distortion to ensure fair returns to the farmers besides promoting value addition of agriculture and livestock products.
This works out to over 90 per cent of the population, calculated on the basis of the population projections used by the Central government. Govt should be duty bound to increase the buffer stock over years and hence improve the qty of rice available per BPL household. The two clauses are rarely achieved under the present agriculture scenario but serve as superlative words to catch the eye of the readers.
Ensuring fair return to the growers for their agriculture produce through farmers-friendly price interventions and rationalisation of farm input prices to reduce cost of production and better return to the farmers would also be the responsibilities of the council.
But the Bill sets a cap of 75 per cent households in rural India and just 50 per cent in urban India. Restructuring the decaying PDS system is more important before pushing more funds through the leaky system.
Poverty has to be linked to the cost of living and revenue earned per household and has no implication on state.

As far as the proposed composition of the council is concerned, the prime minister of Pakistan would be the chairman of the council. This means that lakhs of families holding APL cards will be excluded from the PDS.Second, the Bill ignores the State government estimations of BPL families.
Hence a uniform and universal calculation methodology should be adopted and should not be left to the states to tamper it with eye on election. The members would include federal minister for National Food Security and Research (MNF&R), federal minister for finance, federal minister for planning, development and reform, federal minister for industries and production, federal minister for industries and production, federal minister for commerce, federal minister for textile industry, federal minister for climate change, provincial chief ministers, a representative of private sector or civil society and a representative of Farmers Association whereas federal secretary, Ministry of National Food Security and Research would be the member as well secretary of the council. The sources said that before the finalisation of the policy, the MNF&R held a brainstorming session at the Pakistan Agriculture Research Council to make the policy comprehensive and result-oriented.
But the Bill puts a cap on BPL households at 46 per cent in the rural areas and just 28 per cent in the urban areas.At the heart of the differences between the Centre and many States on this issue is the utterly inhuman poverty line determined by the Planning Commission, which was Rs. The brainstorming session was attended by secretaries of various ministries including MNF&R, Commerce and Industries and Production. In the second clause, there was no criterion to limit the purchase of rice or wheat or millets. Meanwhile, PARC Chairman Iftikhar Ahmed termed the policy as need of the time that would help boost agriculture sector and play its due role in the economic development of the country. The Bill shifts from the present quota of 35 kg per family to an individual-based system fixed at a monthly quota of 7 kg per person for a BPL family. While individual-based quotas may appear to be reasonable, it will end up punishing poor families that have fewer children. For example, in a State like Kerala where the average family size is smaller than elsewhere in the country, the present quota of 35 kg will be cut, say for a BPL family with four members, to 28 kg. It would have been fairer to have kept the minimum allocation at 35 kg for a family and increased it by a certain amount per additional person over an average of five members per family.
Also, it needs to be clarified whether a child would have the same entitlement as an adult has.The fourth issue is that of prices. For APL cardholders, Schedule 1 of the Bill pegs the price of foodgrains at 50 per cent of the minimum support price (MSP) given to farmers for wheat and rice. Instead of a fixed price as at present, APL prices are bound to move upwards given the farmers' genuine demand to raise the MSP every year to cover higher input costs.
While the farmers demand a higher MSP, the APL cardholders' interests will come to lie in lower MSPs.The Bill has a section on reforms that takes forward the government's neo-liberal agenda. The State governments are given no choice.It also links the right to food with the questionable Aadhar, or unique identification system based on biometric information.
In India, a country with a large number of manual labourers, it has been estimated that the error could go up to 15 to 20 per cent. To make food security rights conditional on biometric proof would be to use another instrument of exclusion.Positive featuresThere are some positive features in the Bill including the inclusion of the mid-day meal scheme in its ambit. There are good provisions for nutritional guarantees in the form of a cooked meal for pregnant and lactating women, including for mothers for six months after childbirth. There are other schemes proposed for community kitchens for destitute persons, for migrant workers and special provisions for groups or communities identified as victims of starvation.
According to the Bill, the entire payment for all these free schemes proposed by the Central government will have to be made by the State government. Since the largest number of poor people reside in precisely those States where there are very limited resources, expecting the State governments to bear the huge expenditures is unjust and unfair. Already the Right to Education legislation is facing serious hurdles, one of these being the lack of resources at the State level. The Food Bill will become a victim of the same lack of resources syndrome if the present framework for expenses is not drastically changed.The government's desire to get out of public provisioning and the fiscal conservatism underlying the rejection of a universal PDS, and on the contrary the urge to cut entitlements and beneficiaries, are the Bill's key macroeconomic foundations.
This was the experience with the Rural Employment Guarantee and the Forest Rights Bills also, but those were quite radically improved because of the intervention of the Left parties.

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