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Jared Leto’s turn in Suicide Squad is the latest reminder that the technique has become more about ego and marketing than good performances.
Of all the stories surfacing about the new DC Comics film Suicide Squad—from the dismal reviews to the box-office reports—the most disconcerting are the ones that detail how Jared Leto got into his role as the Joker.
Watching Leto tell one disturbing tale after another makes one thing abundantly clear: Method acting is over. Each year, half a million horseshoe crabs are captured and bled alive to create an unparalleled biomedical technology. To take advantage of this biological idiosyncrasy, pharmaceutical companies burst the cells that contain the chemical, called coagulogen. The presidential candidate has resurrected divisive GOP campaign tactics that target and alienate minorities. Earlier this week, the Republican National Committee hired three new staffers to assist with African American outreach.
These cynical methods are precisely what the leaders of the Party of Lincoln have spent the last decade trying to bury.
In 2006, Donald Trump made plans to purchase the Menie Estate, near Aberdeen, Scotland, aiming to convert the dunes and grassland into a luxury golf resort.
So instead of heading to law school this fall, she’ll be teaching constitutional law to a group of 10th graders at Brooklyn’s Urban Assembly School for Law and Justice, one of eight recent Harvard graduates who will step into New York City classrooms as part of a teacher-preparation program launching this year. Each year, I keep a running list of exceptional nonfiction that I encounter as I publish The Best of Journalism, an email newsletter that I curate weekly for its subscribers. Fifteen years ago this September 11, 19 terrorists, using four jetliners as guided missiles, killed 2,977 people—and enveloped the country in fear. Barack Obama remembers that after the second plane hit, he left the Chicago building that housed his state-Senate office. Among socially conservative religious leaders, the rapid shift of the cultural and legal status quo on issues of sexuality has created a palpable sense of disorientation.


In a new book, Albert Mohler, the president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, offers a third way: stand up and debate, even on issues that seem to be moving toward an ever-firmer cultural consensus. Leto was reportedly so committed to the part that he gifted the cast and crew with a litany of horrible items: used condoms, a dead pig, a live rat. Not the technique itself, which has fueled many of cinema’s greatest performances and can be a useful way of approaching difficult roles. Then, they can use the coagulogen to detect contamination in any solution that might come into contact with blood.
He and the estate’s owner, Tom Griffin, sat down to discuss the transaction at the Cock & Bull restaurant. It was the first sustained attack on American soil since the bombing of Pearl Harbor, which was a far-off military base.
Not just to disease, tornadoes, accidents, or criminals, but to the kinds of enemies that had always threatened others but never us. Some, like Russell Moore of the Southern Baptist Convention, have argued that this is a time of clarity for Christians: It will become harder for evangelicals to blend into mass culture, and while that separation comes with costs, it may actually be a boon to the faith. In some ways, Mohler neatly fits the stereotype of an evangelical leader who has taken up a stand against queerness. To get into the character’s twisted mindset, he also watched footage of brutal crimes online.
But Leto’s stories show how going to great lengths to inhabit a character is now as much a marketing tool as it is an actual technique—one used to lend an air of legitimacy, verisimilitude, and importance to a performance no matter its quality. When the Republican nominee announced his stable of economic advisers on August 5, he was promptly criticized for failing to include any women. A former lieutenant governor of New York, McCaughey (pronounced “McCoy”) is a veteran fixture among the conservative think-tank set. Griffin recalls that Trump was a hard-nosed negotiator, reluctant to give in on even the tiniest details. I could not read or note every worthy article that was published last calendar year and I haven't included any paywalled articles or anything published at The Atlantic.


This massacre hit the center of our government and blasted away part of our most iconic skyline. Others, like the writer Rod Dreher, have suggested that conservatives may be forced into a sort of cultural withdrawal, a retreat into self-sustaining communities of people who share similar values. He’s white, he’s male, he’s Southern; he makes no apologies for his view that homosexuality is intertwined with sin.
The phenomenon may have reached its unignorable peak in last year’s docudrama Selma: the parts of Dr. Leto’s Joker is the latest evidence that the prestige of method acting has dimmed—thanks to the technique’s overuse by those seeking award-season glory or a reputation boost, as well as its history of being shaped by destructive ideas of masculinity.
For decades, her specialty has been fighting against health-care reform—Hillarycare in the 1990s and Obamacare more recently. But, as Michael D’Antonio writes in his recent biography of Trump, Never Enough, Griffin’s most vivid recollection of the evening pertains to the theatrics.
It left a stench that New Yorkers could smell weeks later as remains continued to be recovered from the ashes. Martin Luther King Jr., Coretta Scott King, Governor George Wallace, and President Lyndon B.
For a guy whose popularity among women is slightly lower than that of a urinary tract infection, the situation could not stand. He has demonstrated a steady penchant for resurrecting racially divisive campaign tactics of the past, tactics that simultaneously ignored black voters and used race as a wedge to attract disgruntled white voters in the South. It was as if the golden-haired guest sitting across the table were an actor playing a part on the London stage.



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