What's the best way to make money in red dead redemption undead,text messages to send to your girlfriend at night vision,text messaging app best,send text message computer sprint cell phone - Reviews

07.11.2015
Some of these monographs may be thought of as an anthology of maps, which, like all anthologies, reflects the taste and predilection of the collector. Cartography, like architecture, has attributes of both a scientific and an artistic pursuit, a dichotomy that is certainly not satisfactorily reconciled in all presentations. The significance of maps - and much of their meaning in the past - derives from the fact that people make them to tell other people about the places or space they have experienced.
It is assumed that cartography, like art, pre-dates writing; like pictures, map symbols are apt to be more universally understood than verbal or written ones. As previously mentioned, many early maps, especially those prior to the advent of mass production printing techniques, are known only through descriptions or references in the literature (having either perished or disappeared).
It must be said at the outset that we have little contemporary evidence for Greco-Roman maps. Methods for accurately reproducing and eventually printing maps in sufficient quantities to enable cartographical knowledge to a€?penetrate very deepa€™ are in fact a feature only of modern times. It is nonetheless the case that many modern school atlases could not (and cannot) resist the temptation to reconstruct ancient maps by combining modern knowledge about the shape of the earth's landmass with data from ancient texts.
Many libraries and collections were not in the habit of preserving maps that they considered a€?obsoletea€? and simply discarded them. A series of maps of one region, arranged in chronological order, can show vividly how it was discovered, explored by travelers and described in detail; this may be seen in facsimile atlases like those of America (K. As mediators between an inner mental world and an outer physical world, maps are fundamental tools helping the human mind make sense of its universe at various scales. The history of cartography represents more than a technical and practical history of the artifacts. The only evidence we have for the mapmaking inclinations and talents of the inhabitants of Europe and adjacent parts of the Middle East and North Africa during the prehistoric period is the markings and designs on relatively indestructible materials. Although some questions will always remain unanswered, there can be no doubt that prehistoric rock and mobiliary art as a whole constitutes a major testimony of early mana€™s expression of himself and his world view. Despite the richness of civilization in ancient Babylonia and the recovery of whole archives and libraries, a mere handful of Babylonian maps have so far been found. Although cuneiform maps may not be forerunners from which later Western maps originate, they share characteristics with other cartographic traditions in their graphic imaging of territorial, social, and cosmological space.
Where once such maps would not have been admitted within a general history of cartography, a new view of the meaning of the map can embrace them.
By no means do all ancient Near Eastern maps display metrological finesse or even the use of measurement, though some characteristically do, such as the agrarian field and urban plot cadastral surveys. The maps of cities with their waterways and surrounding physical landscape combine cartography of sacred space, seen in the temple plans, with that of economic space, seen in the field surveys. The Babylonian world map is an attempt to encompass the totality of the eartha€™s surface iconographically: land, ocean, mountain, swamp, and distant uncharted a€?regionsa€? This said, it represents more of an understanding of what the world is from the viewpoint of historical imagination than an image of its topography against a measured framework. The diversity of cultures that have sought to preserve their maps, putting them on clay, papyrus, parchment, and other writing media, points to a near universality of making maps in human culture.
Egypt, which exercised so strong an influence on the ancient civilizations of southeast Europe and the Near East, has left us no more numerous cartographic documents than her neighbor Babylonia. In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extant Egyptian achievement is represented by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (see monograph #102) . In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extent that Egyptian achievement is represented is by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (#102). It has often been remarked that the Greek contribution to cartography lay in the speculative and theoretical realms rather than in the practical realm, and nowhere is this truer than in the Archaic and Classical Period. To the Arab countries belongs chief credit for keeping alive an interest in astronomical studies during the so-called Christian middle ages, and we find them interested in globe construction, that is, in celestial globe construction; so far as we have knowledge, it seems doubtful that they undertook the construction of terrestrial globes.
Among the Christian peoples of Europe in this same period there was not wanting an interest in both geography and astronomy. Above the convex surface of the earth (ki-a) spread the sky (ana), itself divided into two regions - the highest heaven or firmament, which, with the fixed stars immovably attached to it, revolved, as round an axis or pivot, around an immensely high mountain, which joined it to the earth as a pillar, and was situated somewhere in the far North-East, some say North, and the lower heaven, where the planets - a sort of resplendent animals, seven in number, of beneficent nature - wandered forever on their appointed path. Now, it is remarkable that the Greeks, adopting the earlier Chaldean ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth, believed also in the circumfluent ocean; but they appear to have removed its position from latitudes encircling the Arctic regions to a latitude in close proximity to the equator. Notwithstanding this encroachment of the external ocean - encroachment which may have obliterated indications of a certain northern portion of Australia, and which certainly filled those regions with the great earth - surrounding river Okeanos - the traditions relating to the existence of an island, of immense extent, beyond the known world, were kept up, for they pervade the writings of many of the authors of antiquity. In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Aelian, is the account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, King of Phrygia, in which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa were lands surrounded by the sea; but that beyond this known world was another island, of immense extent, of which he gives a description. Theopompus declareth that Midas, the Phrygian, and Selenus were knit in familiaritie and acquaintance. The side of the boat curves inwards, so that when reversed the figure of it would be like an orange with a slice taken off the top, and then set on its flat side. Comparing these early notions, as to the shape and extent of the habitable world, with the later ideas which limited the habitable portion of the globe to the equatorial regions, we may surmise how it came to pass that islands--to say nothing of continents which could not be represented for want of space - belonging to the southern hemisphere were set down as belonging to the northern hemisphere.
We have no positive proof of this having been done at a very early period, as the earlier globes and maps have all disappeared; but we may safely conjecture as much, judging from copies that have been handed down.
Early maps of the world, as distinguished from globes, take us back to a somewhat more remote period; they all bear most of the disproportions of the Ptolemaic geography, for none belonging to the pre-Ptolemaic period are known to exist. We have seen that, according to the earliest geographical notions, the habitable world was represented as having the shape of an inverted round boat, with a broad river or ocean flowing all round its rim, beyond which opened out the Abyss or bottomless pit, which was beneath the habitable crust. The description is sufficiently clear, and there is no mistaking its general sense, the only point that needs elucidation being that which refers to the position of the earth or globe as viewed by the spectator. Our modern notions and our way of looking at a terrestrial globe or map with the north at the top, would lead us to conclude that the abyss or bottomless pit of the inverted Chaldean boat, the Hades and Tartaros of the Greek conception, should be situated to the south, somewhere in the Antarctic regions.
The internal evidence of the Poems points to a northern as well as a southern location for the entrance to the infernal regions. Another probable source of information: The Phoinikes of Homer are the same Phoenicians who as pilots of King Solomona€™s fleets brought gold and silver, ivory, apes and peacocks from Asia beyond the Ganges and the East Indian islands.
European mariners and geographers of the Homeric period considered the bearing of land and sea only in connection with the rising and setting of the sun and with the four winds Boreas, Euros, Notos, and Sephuros. These mariners and geographers adopted the plan - an arbitrary one - of considering the earth as having the north above and the south below, and, after globes or maps had been constructed with the north at the top, and this method had been handed down to us, we took for granted that it had obtained universally and in all times. Such has not been the case, for the earliest navigators, the Phoenicians, the Arabs, the Chinese, and perhaps all Asiatic nations, considered the south to be above and the north below. It is strange that some historians, in pointing out so cleverly that the Chaldean conception was more in accordance with the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe than had been suspected, fails, at the same time, to notice that Homer in his brain-map reversed the Chaldean terrestrial globe and placed the north at the top.
During the middle ages, we shall see a reversion take place, and the terrestrial paradise and heavenly paradise placed according to the earlier Chaldean notions; and on maps of this epoch, encircling the known world from the North Pole to the equator, flows the antic Ocean, which in days of yore encircled the infernal regions.
At a later period, during which planispheric maps, showing one hemisphere of the world, may have been constructed, the circumfluent ocean must have encircled the world as represented by the geographical exponents of the time being; albeit in a totally different way than expressed in the Shumiro-Accadian records. It follows from all this that, as mariners did actually traverse those regions and penetrate south of the equator, the islands they visited most, such as Java, its eastern prolongation of islands, Sumbawa, etc., were believed to be in the northern hemisphere, and were consequently placed there by geographers, as the earliest maps of the various editions of Ptolemya€™s Geography bear witness.
These mistakes were the result doubtless of an erroneous interpretation of information received; and the most likely period during which cognizance of these islands was obtained was when Alexandria was the center of the Eastern and Western commerce of the world. But to return to the earlier Pre-Ptolemaic period and to form an idea of the chances of information which the traffic carried on in the Indian Ocean may have offered to the Greeks and Romans, here is what Antonio Galvano, Governor of Ternate says in 1555, quoting Strabo and Pliny (Strabo, lib. Now as the above articles of commerce, mentioned by Strabo and Pliny, after leaving their original ports in Asia and Austral-Asia, were conveyed from one island to another, any information, when sought for, concerning the location of the islands from which the spices came, must necessarily have been of a very unreliable character, for the different islands at which any stay was made were invariably confounded with those from which the spices originally came.
From these facts, and many others, such as the positions given to the Mountain of the East or North-East of the Shumiro-Accads, the Mountain of the South, or Southwest, of Homer, and the Infernal Regions, we may conclude that the North Pole of the Ancients was situated somewhere in the neighborhood of the Sea of Okhotsk. It is in the Classical Period of Greek cartography that we can start to trace a continuous tradition of theoretical concepts about the size and shape of the earth.
Likewise, it should be emphasized that the vast majority of our knowledge about Greek cartography in this early period is known primarily only from second- or third-hand accounts. There is no complete break between the development of cartography in Classical and in Hellenistic Greece.
In spite of these speculations, however, Greek cartography might have remained largely the province of philosophy had it not been for a vigorous and parallel growth of empirical knowledge. That such a change should occur is due both to political and military factors and to cultural developments within Greek society as a whole.
The librarians not only brought together existing texts, they corrected them for publication, listed them in descriptive catalogs, and tried to keep them up to date. The other great factor underlying the increasing realism of maps of the inhabited world in the Hellenistic Period was the expansion of the Greek world through conquest and discovery, with a consequent acquisition of new geographical knowledge. Among the contemporaries of Alexander was Pytheas, a navigator and astronomer from Massalia [Marseilles], who as a private citizen embarked upon an exploration of the oceanic coasts of Western Europe.
As exemplified by the journeys of Alexander and Pytheas, the combination of theoretical knowledge with direct observation and the fruits of extensive travel gradually provided new data for the compilation of world maps.
The importance of the Hellenistic Period in the history of ancient world cartography, however, has been clearly established. In the history of geographical (or terrestrial) mapping, the great practical step forward during this period was to locate the inhabited world exactly on the terrestrial globe. Thus it was at various scales of mapping, from the purely local to the representation of the cosmos, that the Greeks of the Hellenistic Period enhanced and then disseminated a knowledge of maps. The Roman Republic offers a good case for continuing to treat the Greek contribution to mapping as a separate strand in the history of classical cartography.
The remarkable influence of Ptolemy on the development of European, Arabic, and ultimately world cartography can hardly be denied.
Notwithstanding his immense importance in the study of the history of cartography, Ptolemy remains in many respects a complicated figure to assess. Still the culmination of Greek cartographic thought is seen in the work of Claudius Ptolemy, who worked within the framework of the early Roman Empire. When we turn to Roman cartography, it has been shown that by the end of the Augustan era many of its essential characteristics were already in existence. In the course of the early empire large-scale maps were harnessed to a number of clearly defined aspects of everyday life. Maps in the period of the decline of the empire and its sequel in the Byzantine civilization were of course greatly influenced by Christianity. Continuity between the classical period and succeeding ages was interrupted, and there was disruption of the old way of life with its technological achievements, which also involved mapmaking.
After the 32nd chapter of Treasure Island, two of the puppets strolled out to have a pipe before business should begin again, and met in an open place not far from the story. Some two months afterwards, the young man was carried on a stretcher to the physiciana€™s house. After this talk, the child would never pass one of the unfettered on the road but what he spat at him and called him names, which was the practice of the children in that part. Now when he was forth of the wood upon the highway, he met folk returning from the field; and those he met had no fetter on the right leg, but, behold! And when he was home, there lay his uncle smitten on the head, and his father pierced through the heart, and his mother cloven through the midst.A  And he sat in the lone house and wept beside the bodies. A little after, they both died, and came together before the great white Justice of the Peace.A  It began to look black for the friend, but the man for a while had a clear character and was getting in good spirits.
So the man was cast in the pit, and the friend laughed out aloud in the dark and remained to be tried on other charges. Once upon a time there came to this earth a visitor from a neighbouring planet.A  And he was met at the place of his descent by a great philosopher, who was to show him everything. First of all they came through a wood, and the stranger looked upon the trees.A  a€?Whom have we here?a€? said he. The natives told him many tales.A  In particular, they warned him of the house of yellow reeds tied with black sinnet, how any one who touched it became instantly the prey of AkaA¤nga, and was handed on to him by Miru the ruddy, and hocussed with the kava of the dead, and baked in the ovens and eaten by the eaters of the dead. In the ancient days there went three men upon pilgrimage; one was a priest, and one was a virtuous person, and the third was an old rover with his axe. Just then they passed a country farm, where there was a peacock seated on a rail; and the bird opened its mouth and sang with the voice of a nightingale. At last one came running, and told them all was lost: that the powers of darkness had besieged the Heavenly Mansions, that Odin was to die, and evil triumph. And they rode two hours more, and came to the sides of a black river that was wondrous deep. And they rode all that day, and about the time of the sunsetting came to the side of a lake, where was a great dun.
At the gates of the dun, the King who was a priest met them; and he was a grave man, and beside him stood his daughter, and she was as fair as the morn, and one that smiled and looked down. And in the meanwhile the two lads looked upon the maid, and the one grew pale and the other red; and the maid looked upon the ground smiling. Presently the news got about; and the two lads and the first King were called into the presence of the King who was a priest, where he sat upon the high seat. And the younger son looked in it, and saw his face as it were the face of a beardless youth, and he was well enough pleased; for the thing was a piece of a mirror.
But he was like the hunter that has seen a stag upon a mountain, so that the night may fall, and the fire be kindled, and the lights shine in his house; but desire of that stag is single in his bosom.
So the man rose and put forth his boat at the time of the sunsetting; and the Poor Thing sat in the prow, and the spray blew through his bones like snow, and the wind whistled in his teeth, and the boat dipped not with the weight of him. So the man stooped his hand, and the dead laid hold upon it many and faint like ants; but he shook them off, and behold, what he brought up in his hand was the shoe of a horse, and it was rusty. It befell that the Earla€™s daughter came forth to go into the Kirk upon her prayers; and when she saw the poor man stand in the market with only the shoe of a horse, and it rusty, it came in her mind it should be a thing of price. Now the wind blew through the Poor Thing like an infant crying, so that her heart was melted; and her eyes were unsealed, and she was aware of the thing as it were a babe unmothered, and she took it to her arms, and it melted in her arms like the air. The Kinga€™s daughter made no more ado, but she turned about and went home to her house in silence.A  And when she was come into her chamber she called for her nurse.
Now when the nine years were out, it fell dusk in the autumn, and there came a sound in the wind like a sound of piping.A  At that the nurse lifted up her finger in the vaulted house. So they went by the sea margin, and the man piped the song of the morrow, and the leaves followed behind them as they went.
Morgellons Disease Awareness -  Artist and Morgellons sufferer, Ayla, journals her experience with the disease   I'd like to introduce myself, I'm Ayla, a 59year old artist and graphic designer who contracted Morgellons in Jan. It may also be likened to a book of reproductions of works of art, in the sense that the illustrations, even with the accompanying commentary, cannot really do justice to the originals. A knowledge of maps and their contents is not automatic - it has to be learned; and it is important for educated people to know about maps even though they may not be called upon to make them.
Some maps are successful in their display of material but are scientifically barren, while in others an important message may be obscured because of the poverty of presentation. Maps constitute a specialized graphic language, an instrument of communication that has influenced behavioral characteristics and the social life of humanity throughout history.
Maps produced by contemporary primitive peoples have been likened to so-called prehistoric maps.
But the trans-local culture did not penetrate very deep The high culture owed this peculiar combination of wide expanse and superficiality to the nature of communications in the preindustrial world, in combination with scarcity and political factors. Ancient a€?educated mena€? covered huge distances in both place and time to debate scientific questions about geography.
In the modern world, the nature of communications allows original texts and graphics to be preserved, transmitted and accessed for extended periods of time. In earlier times these maps were considered to be ephemeral material, like newspapers and pamphlets, and large wall-maps received particularly careless treatment because they were difficult to store. When, in 1918, a mosaic floor was discovered in the ancient TransJordanian church of Madaba showing a map of Palestine, Syria and part of Egypt, a whole series of reproductions and treatises was published on the geography of Palestine at that time.
Kretschner, 1892), Japan (P.Teleki, 1909), Madagascar (Gravier, 1896), Albania (Nopcsa, 1916), Spitzbergen (Wieder, 1919), the northwest of America (Wagner, 1937), and others. Indeed, much of its universal appeal is that the simpler types of map can be read and interpreted with only a little training. Crone remarked that a€?a map can be considered from several aspects, as a scientific report, a historical document, a research tool, and an object of art.
It may also be viewed as an aspect of the history of human thought, so that while the study of the techniques that influence the medium of that thought is important, it also considers the social significance of cartographic innovation and the way maps have impinged on the many other facets of human history they touch. It is reasonable to expect some evidence in this art of the societya€™s spatial consciousness. There is, for example, clear evidence in the prehistoric art of Europe that maps - permanent graphic images epitomizing the spatial distribution of objects and events - were being made as early as the Upper Paleolithic.
In Mesopotamia the invention by the Sumerians of cuneiform writing in the fourth millennium B.C.
In the former field, among other things, they attained a remarkably close approximation for a?s2, namely 1.414213. The courses of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers offered major routes to and from the north, and the northwest, and the Persian Gulf allowed contact by sea along the coasts of Arabia and east to India.
Cuneiform texts provide several varieties of evidence for the ancient Mesopotamian efforts to express order by describing, delimiting, and measuring the heaven and earth of their experience, producing house, temple, plot, and field plans, city maps, and, with respect to the celestial landscape, diagrammatic depictions of stars.
The historiography of maps and cartography has emerged from criticisms similar in nature to those made against the modernist or presentist historiography of science, namely, that in reifying science or sciences such as cartography, false evolutionary histories are liable to be constructed.
Concern for orientation is attested in a number of maps, but not always in the same way, although with a tendency toward an oblique orientation northwest to southeast. The cities of Nippur and Babylon had a religious and cosmological function as well as a political and economic one.
It offers a selective account of the relationship of Babylon to other places, including those that were at the furthest reach of knowledge. Cognitive psychologists claim that we come into our physical world mentally equipped to perceive and describe space and spatial relationships.
Within this span of some three thousand years, the main achievements in Greek cartography took place from about the sixth century B.C.
Stevenson, it is not easy to fix, with anything like a satisfactory measure of certainty, the beginning of globe construction; very naturally it was not until a spherical theory concerning the heavens and the earth had been accepted, and for this we are led back quite to Aristotle and beyond, back indeed to the Pythagoreans if not yet farther. We are now learning that those centuries were not entirely barren of a certain interest in sciences other than theological. It has now been ascertained and demonstrated beyond doubt that the earliest ideas concerning the laws of the universe and the shape of the earth were, in many respects, more correct and clearer than those of a subsequent period. Ragozin, says the Shumiro-Accads had formed a very elaborate and clever idea of what they supposed the world to be like; they imagined it to have the shape of an inverted round boat or bowl, the thickness of which would represent the mixture of land and water (ki-a) which we call the crust of the earth, while the hollow beneath this inhabitable crust was fancied as a bottomless pit or abyss (ge), in which dwelt many powers.
The account of this conversation, which is too lengthy here to give in full, was written three centuries and a half before the Christian era. Of the familiaritie of Midas, the Phrigian, and Selenus, and of certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported. This Selenus was the sonne of a nymphe inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour to men concerning mortalytie and death.
The Chaldean conception, thus rudely described, shows a yet nearer approximation to the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe, when we bear in mind that this actually is in shape a flattened sphere, with the vertical diameter the shorter one.
A curious example of the difficulties that early cartographers of the circumfluent ocean period had to contend with, and of the sans faA§on method of dealing with them, occurs in the celebrated Fra Mauro mappamundi (Book III, #249), which is one of the last in which the external ocean is still retained.
The influence of the Ptolemaic astronomical and geographical system was very great, and lasted for over thirteen hundred years. There are reasons to believe however, apart from the evidence we gather in the Poems, that these abyssal regions were supposed or believed to be situated around the North Pole.
Homer, The Outward Geography Eastwards: a€?The outer geography eastwards, or wonderland, has for its exterior boundary the great river Okeanos, a noble conception, in everlasting flux and reflux, roundabout the territory given to living man.
The Phoenician reports referred to came most likely therefore, not so much from the north, as from these regions which, tradition tells us (Fra Mauroa€™s mappamundi #249), were situated propinqua ale tenebre. These winds covered the arcs intervening between our four cardinal points of the compass, which points were not located exactly as with us; but the north leaning to the east, the east to the south, the south to the west and the west to the north (see Beatusa€™ Turin map, Book II, #207).
The reason for this is plausible, for whereas the northern seaman regulated his navigation by the North Star, the Asiatic sailor turned to southern constellations for his guidance. This is all the more strange when we take into consideration that, in the light of his context, the fact is apparent and of great importance as coinciding with other European views concerning the location of the north on terrestrial globes and maps. The Chaldeans placed their heaven in the east or northeast; Homer placed his heaven in the south or southwest.
In this ocean we find also EA the Exalted Fish, but, deprived of his ancient grandeur and divinity, he is no doubt considered nothing more than a merman at the period when acquaintance is renewed with him on the SchA¶ner-Frankfort gores of Asiatic origin bearing the date 1515 (Book IV, #328). The divergence was probably owing in a great measure to the inability of representing graphically the perspective appearance of the globe on a plane; but may be also traceable to an erroneous interpretation of the original idea, caused by the reversion of the cardinal points of the compass. According to this division other continents south of the equator were supposed to exist and habited, some said, but not to be approached by those inhabiting the northern hemisphere on account of the presumed impossibility of traversing the equatorial regions, the heat of which was believed to be too intense.
We shall see, when dealing with Ptolemy's map of the world, some of the results of this confusion. Thomas, after the dispersion of the Apostles, preached the Gospel to the Parthians and Persians; then went to India, where he gave up his life for Jesus Christ.
That he corroborates Homera€™s views as to the sphericity of the earth by describing Cratesa€™ terrestrial globe (Geographica; Book ii.
That he accentuates Homera€™s views concerning the black races that lived some in the west (the African race) others in the east (the Australian race). That he shows the four cardinal points of the compass to have been situated somewhat differently than with us, for he says (Book 1, c. That he appears to be perpetuating an ancient tradition when he supposes the existence of a vast continent or antichthonos in the southern hemisphere to counterbalance the weight of the northern continents.
The relativeness of these positions appears to have been maintained on some mediaeval maps. To appreciate how this period laid the foundations for the developments of the ensuing Hellenistic Period, it is necessary to draw on a wide range of Greek writings containing references to maps. We have no original texts of Anaximander, Pythagoras, or Eratosthenes - all pillars of the development of Greek cartographic thought. In contrast to many periods in the ancient and medieval world and despite the fragmentary artifacts, we are able to reconstruct throughout the Greek period, and indeed into the Roman, a continuum in cartographic thought and practice. Indeed, one of the salient trends in the history of the Hellenistic Period of cartography was the growing tendency to relate theories and mathematical models to newly acquired facts about the world - especially those gathered in the course of Greek exploration or embodied in direct observations such as those recorded by Eratosthenes in his scientific measurement of the circumference of the earth. With respect to the latter, we can see how Greek cartography started to be influenced by a new infrastructure for learning that had a profound effect on the growth of formalized knowledge in general. Thus Alexandria became a clearing-house for cartographic and geographical knowledge; it was a center where this could be codified and evaluated and where, we may assume, new maps as well as texts could be produced in parallel with the growth of empirical knowledge.
In his treatise On the Ocean, Pytheas relates his journey and provides geographical and astronomical information about the countries that he observed. While we can assume a priori that such a linkage was crucial to the development of Hellenistic cartography, again there is no hard evidence, as in so many other aspects of its history, that allows us to reconstruct the technical processes and physical qualities of the maps themselves.
Its outstanding characteristic was the fruitful marriage of theoretical and empirical knowledge.
Eratosthenes was apparently the first to accomplish this, and his map was the earliest scientific attempt to give the different parts of the world represented on a plane surface approximately their true proportions.


By so improving the mimesis or imitation of the world, founded on sound theoretical premises, they made other intellectual advances possible and helped to extend the Greek vision far beyond the Aegean. While there was a considerable blending and interdependence of Greek and Roman concepts and skills, the fundamental distinction between the often theoretical nature of the Greek contribution and the increasingly practical uses for maps devised by the Romans forms a familiar but satisfactory division for their respective cartographic influences. The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps. Through both the Mathematical Syntaxis (a treatise on mathematics and astronomy in thirteen books, also called the Almagest and the Geography (in eight books), it can be said that Ptolemy tended to dominate both astronomy and geography, and hence their cartographic manifestations, for over fourteen centuries.
A modern analysis of Ptolemaic scholarship offers nothing to revise the long-held consensus that he is a key figure in the long term development of scientific mapping. In its most obvious aspect, the exaggerated size of Jerusalem on the Madaba mosaic map (# 121) was no doubt an attempt to make the Holy City not only dominant but also more accurately depicted in this difficult medium. They have often served as memory banks for spatial data and as mnemonics in societies without the printed word and can speak across the barriers of ordinary language, constituting a common language used by men of different races and tongues to express the relationship of their society to a geographic environment.
Certain carvings on bone and petroglyphs have been identified as prehistoric route maps, although according to a strict definition, they might not qualify as a€?mapsa€?.
In the present work, reconstruction of maps no longer extant are used in place of originals or assumed originals. They communicated in the same a€?learned languagea€?a€” Greek a€” and discussed a€?the same body of ideasa€?. The pre-modern world, on the other hand, had only a series of copies to work with, made over the centuries on organic material. Only Senefeldera€™s invention of lithography in 1796, and the innovative use of it for the mass printing of graphics, including in color, In the century that followed, allowed maps to be printed and distributed in quantity.
Since the maps were missing, he drew them himself from indications in the ancient text, and when the work was finished, he commemorated this too in verse.
The map answered many hitherto insoluble or disputed questions, for example the question as to where the Virgin Mary met the mother of John Baptist. A series of maps of a coastal region (for example, that of Holland or Friesland) or of river estuaries (the Po, Mississippi, Volga, or lower Yellow River) gives information on the rate of changes in outline and their causes.
Maps represent an excellent mirror of culture and civilizationa€?, but they are also more than a mere reflection: maps in their own right enter the historical process by means of reciprocally structured relationships. But when it comes to drawing up the balance sheet of evidence for prehistoric maps, we must admit that the evidence is tenuous and certainly inconclusive. The same evidence shows, too, that the quintessentially cartographic concept of representation in plan was already in use in that period. Our divisions into 60 and 360 for minutes, seconds and degrees are a direct inheritance from the Babylonians, who thought in these terms. Various orders of power are implicit in the expression of these aspects of order in the environment.
Some originating point is identified, such as the origins of science in Greece, or of mapmaking in Babylonia, from which a continuous history may be written from a presentist perspective, a tale of a discipline's inexorable progress from its originating moment to the present.
Ancient Near Eastern maps may not have invariably been meant as exact or direct replications of territory, but there can be little doubt that they distinctively reflect the conceptual terrain of their social community and culture at large.
In the periods of their supremacy each was viewed as the center of the universe, as the meeting ground between heaven and the netherworld.
The linguistic act of spatial description is perhaps a proto-mapmaking function of our very desire and attempt to place ourselves in relation to the physical world.
The Pharaohs organized military campaigns, trade missions, and even purely geographical expeditions to explore various countries. From earliest times much of the area covered by the annual Nile floods had, upon their retreat, to be re-surveyed in order to establish the exact boundaries of properties.
We find allusions to celestial globes in the days of Eudoxus and Archimedes, to terrestrial globes in the days of Crates and Hipparchus. In Justiniana€™s day, or near it, one Leontius Mechanicus busied himself in Constantinople with globe construction, and we have left to us his brief descriptive reference to his work. But above all these, higher in rank and greater in power, is the Spirit (Zi) of heaven (ana), ZI-ANA, or, as often, simply ANA--Heaven. On this map of the world the islands of the Malay Archipelago follow the shores of Asia from Malacca to Japan.
Even the Arabs, who, after the fall of the Roman Empire, developed the geographical knowledge of the world during the first period of the middle ages, adopted many of its errors. Volcanoes were supposed to be the entrances to the infernal regions, and towards the southeast the whole region beyond the river Okeanos of Homer, from Java to Sumbawa and the Sea of Banda, was sufficiently studded with mighty peaks to warrant the idea they may have originated.
Many cartographers of the renascence, whose charts indeed we cannot read unless we reverse them, must have followed Asiatic cartographical methods, and this perhaps through copying local charts obtained in the countries visited by them. Taprobana was the Greek corruption of the Tamravarna of Arabian, or even perhaps Phoenician, nomenclature; our modern Sumatra. Geographical science was on the eve of reaching its apogee with the Greeks, were it was doomed to retrograde with the decline of the Roman Empire. John III, King of Portugal, ordered his remains to be sought for in a little ruined chapel that was over his tomb, outside Meliapur or Maliapor. In some cases the authors of these texts are not normally thought of in the context of geographic or cartographic science, but nevertheless they reflect a widespread and often critical interest in such questions. In particular, there are relatively few surviving artifacts in the form of graphic representations that may be considered maps. Despite a continuing lack of surviving maps and original texts throughout the period - which continues to limit our understanding of the changing form and content of cartography - it can be shown that, by the perioda€™s end, a markedly different cartographic image of the inhabited world had emerged.
Of particular importance for the history of the map was the growth of Alexandria as a major center of learning, far surpassing in this respect the Macedonian court at Pella.
Later geographers used the accounts of Alexandera€™s journeys extensively to make maps of Asia and to fill in the outline of the inhabited world. Not even the improved maps that resulted from these processes have survived, and the literary references to their existence (enabling a partial reconstruction of their content) can even in their entirety refer only to a tiny fraction of the number of maps once made and once in circulation.
It has been demonstrated beyond doubt that the geometric study of the sphere, as expressed in theorems and physical models, had important practical applications and that its principles underlay the development both of mathematical geography and of scientific cartography as applied to celestial and terrestrial phenomena. On his map, moreover, one could have distinguished the geometric shapes of the countries, and one could have used the map as a tool to estimate the distances between places. To Rome, Hellenistic Greece left a seminal cartographic heritage - one that, in the first instance at least, was barely challenged in the intellectual centers of Roman society. Certainly the political expansion of Rome, whose domination was rapidly extending over the Mediterranean, did not lead to an eclipse of Greek influence.
Such knowledge, relating to both terrestrial and celestial mapping, had been transmitted through a succession of well-defined master-pupil relationships, and the preservation of texts and three-dimensional models had been aided by the growth of libraries. The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections. Yet Ptolemy, as much through the accidental survival and transmission of his texts when so many others perished as through his comprehensive approach to mapping, does nevertheless stride like a colossus over the cartographic knowledge of the later Greco-Roman world and the Renaissance. Pilgrims from distant lands obviously needed itineraries like that starting at Bordeaux, giving fairly simple instructions.
I've been moved to create awareness tools that help educate healthcare practitioners and the public about Morgellons Disease (see Awareness Poster) as well as share what I've learned from this experience.Many of the skin photos in the photo galleries are mine.
This implies that throughout history maps have been more than just the sum of technical processes or the craftsmanship in their production and more than just a static image of their content frozen in time.
The reconstructions of such maps appear in the correct chronology of the originals, irrespective of the date of the reconstruction. Their debate a€?did not penetrate very deepa€? within the culture, which is why one should draw a sharp distinction between descriptive geography, with its wide application, and mathematical or scientific geography, for which no such application was envisaged or achieved.
The process was almost manageable for texts, multiple copies of which could be created by copyist teams working fro dictation. After the fall of Byzantium in 1453, its conqueror, the Turkish Sultan Mohammed II, found in the library that he inherited from the Byzantine rulers a manuscript of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, which lacked the world-map, and he commissioned Georgios Aminutzes, a philosopher in his entourage, to draw up a world map based on Ptolemya€™s text. Comparison of travelersa€™ maps from various periods show the development and change of routes or road-building and allows us to draw conclusions of every kind about the development or decay of farms, villages and towns. They were artistic treasure-houses, being often decorated with fine miniatures portraying life and customs in distant lands, various types of ships, coats-of-arms, portraits of rulers, and so on. The development of the map, whether it occurred in one place or at a number of independent hearths, was clearly a conceptual advance - an important increment to the technology of the intellect - that in some respects may be compared to the emergence of literacy or numeracy.
The historian of cartography, looking for maps in the art of prehistoric Europe and its adjacent regions, is in exactly the same position as any other scholar seeking to interpret the content, functions, and meanings of that art. Moreover, there is sufficient evidence for the use of cartographic signs from at least the post-Paleolithic period.
They are impressed on small clay tablets like those generally used by the Babylonians for cuneiform inscriptions of documents, a medium which must have limited the cartographera€™s scope.
Administrative and economic powers support, or even require, the making of maps, as well as determining overtly the topographies that maps depict. Critical cartographic history, however, has laid aside such ideas, and we no longer look to (in the words of Denis Wood), a€?a hero saga involving such men as Eratosthenes, Ptolemy, Mercator, and the Cassinis, that tracked cartographic progress from humble origins in Mesopotamia to the putative accomplishments of the Greeks and Romansa€?.
The maps of buildings and fields focus on the urban and agricultural environment, matters of critical importance to whatever political and economic powers prevailed. The map of the principal temple in Babylon, E-sagil, which was the earthly abode of the national deity Marduk, represents the terrestrial counterpart to the celestial residence of the great god Enlil, designed, figuratively speaking, on the blueprint of the cosmic subterranean sweet watery region of the Apsu. By extension, we should not doubt that mapmaking too, in all its historical subjectivity, is a universal feature of human culture.
The survey was carried out, mostly in squares, by professional surveyors with knotted ropes. We find that the Greek geographer Strabo gives us quite a definite word concerning their value and their construction, and that Ptolemy is so definite in his references to them as to lead to a belief that globes were by no means uncommon instruments in his day, and that they were regarded of much value in the study of geography and astronomy, particularly of the latter science. With stress laid, during the many centuries succeeding, upon matters pertaining to the religious life, there naturally was less concern than there had been in the humanistic days of classical antiquity as to whether the earth is spherical in form, or flat like a circular disc, nor was it thought to matter much as to the form of the heavens. Hyde Clarke has more than once pointed out in The Legend of the Atlantis of Plato, Royal Historical Society 1886, etc., that Australia must have been known in the most remote antiquity of the early history of civilization, at a time when the intercourse with America was still maintained. Between the lower heaven and the surface of the earth is the atmospheric region, the realm of IM or MERMER, the Wind, where he drives the clouds, rouses the storms, and whence he pours down the rain, which is stored in the great reservoir of Ana, in the heavenly ocean. Then in a northeasterly direction Homera€™s great river Okeanos would flow along the shores of the Sandwich group, where the volcanic peak of Mt. Aristotlea€™s writings, for example, provide a summary of the theoretical knowledge that underlay the construction of world maps by the end of the Greek Classical Period. Our cartographic knowledge must, therefore, be gleaned largely from literary descriptions, often couched in poetic language and difficult to interpret. The ambition of Eratosthenes to draw a general map of the oikumene based on new discoveries was also partly inspired by Alexandera€™s exploration. In this case too, the generalizations drawn herein by various authorities (ancient and modern scholars, historians, geographers, and cartographers) are founded upon the chance survival of references made to maps by individual authors. Yet this evidence should not be interpreted to suggest that the Greek contribution to cartography in the early Roman world was merely a passive recital of the substance of earlier advances. If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. This is perhaps more remarkable in that his work was primarily instructional and theoretical, and it remains debatable if he bequeathed a set of images that could be automatically copied by an uninterrupted succession of manuscript illuminators. Indeed, any history of maps is compounded by a complex series of interactions, involving their intent, their use and their purpose, as well as the process of their making. All reconstructions are, to a greater or lesser degree, the product of the compiler and the technology of his times.
The reasons for this divide include the limited quantity of scientific geographic scholarship, the nature of communications and scarcity, and political factors.
But it was not feasible for graphics, the copying of which inevitably led to increasing distortion. Any assumption that maps were widely available in the preindustrial world thus derives from anachronistic thinking based on later developments. There is no evidence for the use of such forms of representation in ancient maps, and this book deliberately presents no such reconstructions.
He knew it would be out of date, but that is precisely what he wanted - an ancient map; to perpetuate it, he also had a carpet woven from the drawing. Inferences have to be made about states of mind separated from the present not only by millennia but also - where ethnography is called into service to help illuminate the prehistoric evidence - by the geographical distance and different cultural contexts of other continents. Two of the basic map styles of the historical period, the picture map (perspective view) and the plan (ichnographic view), also have their prehistoric counterparts. The interest of the cuneiform maps lies in their rich articulation of such a feature, uniquely shaped by the particular social norms and forces that emerged and changed within ancient Mesopotamian history. However, the measurement of circular and triangular plots was envisaged: advice on this, and plans, are given in the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus of ca. From Ptolemaic Egypt there is a rough rectangular plan of surveyed land accompanying the text of the Lille Papyrus I, now in Paris; also two from the estate of Apollonius, minister of Ptolemy II. There is, however, but one example known, which has come down to us from that ancient day, this a celestial globe, briefly described as the Farnese globe. Yet there was no century, not even in those ages we happily are learning to call no longer a€?darka€?, that geography and astronomy were not studied and taught, and globes celestial as well as armillary spheres, if not terrestrial globes, were constructed. Here however he makes his hero confess that he is wholly out of his bearings, and cannot well say where the sun is to set or to rise (Od. Although these views were continued and developed to a certain extent by their successors, Strabo and Ptolemy, through the Roman period, and more or less entertained during the Middle Ages, they became obscured as time rolled on.
The bones of the holy apostle were found, with some relics that were placed in a rich vase. Again, if we consider the Atlantic and North Pacific Oceans as devoid of the American Continent, and the Atlantic Ocean as stretching to the shores of Asia, as Strabo did, the parallel of Iberia (Spain) would have taken Columbusa€™ ships to the north of Japan--i.e.
At the time when Alexander the Great set off to conquer and explore Asia and when Pytheas of Massalia was exploring northern Europe, therefore, the sum of geographic and cartographic knowledge in the Greek world was already considerable and was demonstrated in a variety of graphic and three-dimensional representations of the heavens and the earth. In addition, many other ancient texts alluding to maps are further distorted by being written centuries after the period they record; they too must be viewed with caution because they are similarly interpretative as well as descriptive.
Eudoxus had already formulated the geocentric hypothesis in mathematical models; and he had also translated his concepts into celestial globes that may be regarded as anticipating the sphairopoiia [mechanical spheres]. And it was at Alexandria that this Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy I Soter, a companion of Alexander, had founded the library, soon to become famous through the Mediterranean world. It seems, though, that having left Massalia, Pytheas put into Gades [Cadiz], then followed the coasts of Iberia [Spain] and France to Brittany, crossing to Cornwall and sailing north along the west coast of England and Scotland to the Orkney Islands. On the contrary, a principal characteristic of the new age was the extent to which it was openly critical of earlier attempts at mapping.
Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes. This shape was also one which suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade.
90-168), Greek and Roman influences in cartography had been fused to a considerable extent into one tradition.
The Almagest, although translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the 12th century, appears to have had little direct influence on the development of cartography.
Ptolemya€™s principal legacy was thus to cartographic method, and both the Almagest and the Geography may be regarded as among the most influential works in cartographic history. Therefore, reconstructions are used here only to illustrate the general geographic concepts of the period in which the lost original map was made. All this is also evident in the history of cartography (a modern term created via a combination of Greek chartes, a€?charta€™, and graphein, a€?writea€™ or a€?drawa€™), that is, the study of maps as a special form of communicating geographic knowledge.
Copies of copies of copies must generally have been very different from the vanished original, hence the scarcity of scholarly, illustrations transmitted from the ancient world. There is even a temptation to go beyond reconstructions and invent a€” that is, falsify a€” maps from the ancient world. It was said that as the Archangel Gabriel appeared to Zacharias in the holy of holies, Zacharias must have been High Priest and have lived in Jerusalem; John the Baptist would then have been born in Jerusalem.
I have not been able to find any such evidence or artifacts of map making that originated in the South America or Australia. This is described in an inscription in the Temple of Der-el-Bahri where the ship used for this journey is delineated, but there is no map. It is of marble, and is thought by some to date from the time of Eudoxus, that is, three hundred years before the Christian era.
The Venerable Bede, Pope Sylvester I, the Emperor Frederick II, and King Alfonso of Castile, not to name many others of perhaps lesser significance, displayed an interest in globes and making. See the sketch below of an inverted Chaldean boat transformed into a terrestrial globe, which will give an idea of the possible appearance of early globes.
Indeed, wherever we look round the margin of the circumfluent ocean for an appropriate entrance to Hades and Tartaros, we find it, whether in Japan, Iceland, the Azores, or Cape Verde Islands. Terrestrial maps and celestial globes were widely used as instruments of teaching and research.
Despite what may appear to be reasonable continuity of some aspects of cartographic thought and practice, in this particular era scholars must extrapolate over large gaps to arrive at their conclusions. By the beginning of the Hellenistic Period there had been developed not only the various celestial globes, but also systems of concentric spheres, together with maps of the inhabited world that fostered a scientific curiosity about fundamental cartographic questions.
The library not only accumulated the greatest collection of books available anywhere in the Hellenistic Period but, together with the museum, likewise founded by Ptolemy II, also constituted a meeting place for the scholars of three continents. From there, some authors believe, he made an Arctic voyage to Thule [probably Iceland] after which he penetrated the Baltic. Intellectual life moved to more energetic centers such as Pergamum, Rhodes, and above all Rome, but this promoted the diffusion and development of Greek knowledge about maps rather than its extinction. The main texts, whether surviving or whether lost and known only through later writers, were strongly revisionist in their line of argument, so that the historian of cartography has to isolate the substantial challenge to earlier theories and frequently their reformulation of new maps.
There is a case, accordingly, for treating them as a history of one already unified stream of thought and practice. With translation of the text of the Geography into Latin in the early 15th century, however, the influence of Ptolemy was to structure European cartography directly for over a century. It would be wrong to over emphasize, as so much of the topographical literature has tended to do, a catalog of Ptolemya€™s a€?errorsa€?: what is vital for the cartographic historian is that his texts were the carriers of the idea of celestial and terrestrial mapping long after the factual content of the coordinates had been made obsolete through new discoveries and exploration. Similarly, in the towns, although only the Forma Urbis Romae is known to us in detail, large-scale maps were recognized as practical tools recording the lines of public utilities such as aqueducts, displaying the size and shape of imperial and religious buildings, and indicating the layout of streets and private property. Like most, I panicked bought a lot of unnecessary products—some toxic, then managed to pull myself back from the brink of actually hurting myself. No one person or area of study is capable of embracing the whole field; and cartographers, like workers in other activities, have become more and more specialized with the advantages and disadvantages which this inevitably brings.
Nevertheless, reconstructions of maps which are known to have existed, and which have been made a long time after the missing originals, can be of great interest and utility to scholars. Maps are generally two-dimensional representations, often to scale, of portions of the earth's surface.
Every generation or so, a new a€?discoverya€™ of such a map is announced, only to be exposed as either a hoax designed to embarrass an individual scholar or scholars in general, or an attempt to make money from an unsuspecting public. The fact that King Sargon of Akkad was making military expeditions westwards from about 2,330 B.C.
It has been shown how these could have appealed to the imagination not only of an educated minority, for whom they sometimes became the subject of careful scholarly commentary, but also of a wider Greek public that was already learning to think about the world in a physical and social sense through the medium of maps.
The relative smallness of the inhabited world, for example, later to be proved by Eratosthenes, had already been dimly envisaged. The confirmation of the sources of tin (in the ancient Cassiterides or Tin Islands) and amber (in the Baltic) was of primary interest to him, together with new trade routes for these commodities. Indeed, we can see how the conditions of Roman expansion positively favored the growth and applications of cartography in both a theoretical and a practical sense.
The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South. Here, however, though such a unity existed, the discussion is focused primarily on the cartographic contributions of Ptolemy, writing in Greek within the institutions of Roman society. In the history of the transmission of cartographic ideas it is indeed his work, straddling the European Middle Ages, that provides the strongest link in the chain between the knowledge of mapping in the ancient and early modem worlds. Finally, the interpretation of modem scholars has progressively come down on the side of the opinion that Ptolemy or a contemporary probably did make at least some of the maps so clearly specified in his texts.
Some types of Roman maps had come to possess standard formats as well as regular scales and established conventions for depicting ground detail. The possibilities include those for which specific information is available to the compiler and those that are described or merely referred to in the literature. Some saw in the a€?hill countrya€™ Hebron, a place that had for a long time been a leading Levitical city, while others held that Juda was the Levitical city concerned.
The whole northern region, of sea as he supposed it, from west to east, was known to him only by Phoenician reports. If a literal interpretation was followed, the cartographic image of the inhabited world, like that of the universe as a whole, was often misleading; it could create confusion or it could help establish and perpetuate false ideas. It had been the subject of comment by Plato, while Aristotle had quoted a figure for the circumference of the earth from a€?the mathematiciansa€? at 400,000 stades; he does not explain how he arrived at this figure, which may have been Eudoxusa€™ estimate. It would appear from what is known about Pytheasa€™ journeys and interests that he may have undertaken his voyage to the northern seas partly in order to verify what geometry (or experiments with three dimensional models) have taught him.
Not only had the known world been extended considerably through the Roman conquests - so that new empirical knowledge had to be adjusted to existing theories and maps - but Roman society offered a new educational market for the cartographic knowledge codified by the Greeks. Ptolemy owed much to Roman sources of information and to the extension of geographical knowledge under this growing empire: yet he represents a culmination as well as a final synthesis of the scientific tradition in Greek cartography that has been highlighted in this introduction. Yet it is perhaps in the importance accorded the map as a permanent record of ownership or rights over property, whether held by the state or by individuals, that Roman large-scale mapping most clearly anticipated the modern world.
Always wary of doctors, I tried to stay out of that loop but finally caved when my beloved ones pressured me to seek help.
Viewed in its development through time, the map is a sensitive indicator of the changing thought of man, and few of these works seem to reflect such an excellent mirror of culture and civilization. Of a different order, but also of interest, are those maps made in comparatively recent times that are designed to illustrate the geographical ideas of a particular person or group in the past but are suggested by no known maps. Many solutions to this problem were put forward, but it was solved once and for all by the Madaba map, which showed, between Jerusalem and Hebron, a place called Beth Zachari: the house of Zacharias. The paucity of evidence of clearly defined representations of constellations in rock art, which should be easily recognized, seems strange in view of the association of celestial features with religious or cosmological beliefs, though it is understandable if stars were used only for practical matters such as navigation or as the agricultural calendar. Later we encounter itineraries, referring either to military or to trading expeditions and provide an indication of the extent of Babylonian geographical knowledge at an early date.
The celestial globe had reinforced the belief in a spherical and finite universe such as Aristotle had described; the drawing of a circular horizon, however, from a point of observation, might have perpetuated the idea that the inhabited world was circular, as might also the drawing of a sphere on a flat surface. Aristotle also believed that only the ocean prevented a passage around the world westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to India.


The result was that his observations served not merely to extend geographical knowledge about the places he had visited, but also to lay the foundation for the scientific use of parallels of latitude in the compilation of maps. Many influential Romans both in the Republic and in the early Empire, from emperors downward, were enthusiastic Philhellenes and were patrons of Greek philosophers and scholars. In this respect, Rome had provided a model for the use of maps that was not to be fully exploited in many parts of the world until the 18th and 19th centuries. A dermatologist gave me Ivermectin which caused a Herxheimer (die-off) reaction and many of the black particles I'd been seeing with a scope surfaced. The maps of early man, which pre-date other forms of written communication, were attempts to depict earth distributions graphically in order to better visualize them; like those of primitive peoples, the earliest maps served specific functional or practical needs.
Excavations on this site revealed the foundations of a little church, with a fragment of a mosaic that contained the name a€?Zachariasa€?. What is certainly different is the place and prominence of maps in prehistoric times as compared with historical times, an aspect associated with much wider issues of the social organization, values, and philosophies of two very different types of cultures, the oral and the literate. They do not go so far as to record distances, but they do mention the number of nights spent at each place, and sometimes include notes or drawings of localities passed through. Another of a land, also in the north, where a man, who could dispense with sleep, might earn double wages, as there was hardly any night. There was, however, evidently no consensus between cartographic theorists, and there seems in particular to have been a gap between the acceptance of the most advanced scientific theories and their translation into map form. This gave me great relief from the discomfort of what felt like fiberglass embedded in my skin. Maps were also frequently used purely for decoration; they furnished designs for Gobelins tapestries, were engraved on goblets of gold and silver, tables, and jewel-caskets, and used in frescoes, mosaics, etc.
As in Greek and Roman inscriptions, some documents record the boundaries of countries or cities. He probably had the first account from some sailor who had visited the northern latitudes in summer; and the second from one who had done the like in winter.
It was not until the 18th century, however, that maps were gradually stripped of their artistic decoration and transformed into plain, specialist sources of information based upon measurement. There were NO fibers visible in my skin in the previous months before taking the medication.
Within two days of taking the Ivermectin, I watched in horror as fibers started to rise to the surface of my skin.
That plus coming off the tail-end of the pharmaceutical seemed to stop all the symptoms of itching, biting and crawling for approximately the next 4 months. The only thing that hadn't cleared up was the hyper-sensitivity to my skin which I thought I was stuck with for the rest of my life, an unfortunate consequence of having Morgellons. Had I not been actively using a microscope to look at my skin during this period, I might have presumed I was well. The skin however, doesn't lie and told a whole other story for under it's surface, fibers and particles were clearly still present—multitudes of them. Early on, I'd heard about the testing that Pam Crane of Morgellons Focus On Health (site no longer active) was championing and felt that it was probably the way to go.
My only problem with moving forward was a lack of practitioner, as I felt having the best testing in the world wouldn't mean anything unless someone was up to the task of decoding it's contents into a meaningful protocol, sort of like buying a Cadillac that arrives without the key. I wanted to have a conversation with whatever doctor I was going to see and to hear them speak about their philosophy of healthcare.
Just try to get a physician on the phone before actually making an appointment and you will find it is an impossible task (especially the high-end specialists).
She talked about The Great Plains Labs and why the testing used in Functional Medicine is so important for our community.
She sounded like she knew how to do her job well and was more than capable, indeed she had impressed me as understanding how to approach the disease in a holistic manner that aligned with my own healthcare philosophies. I believe my first words to her were, "Where do I sign the dotted line?" (While focusonhealth has been taken down, here is another radio show with Nancy speaking with Pam. Let me remind you that I felt fine when I first contacted Nancy, but the emerging fibers showed me I was not.
Nancy forewarned me that treatment would kick up all the initial symptoms I had when first ill with Morgellons, such as itching and stinging and that I might experience more fatigue with die-off, possibly even get lesions although I hadn't had many lesions previously. Within a week and a half of beginning this new protocol all the discomforts she mentioned came back.
Additionally, Valerie made an allegation of my planning to "KidnapClaire" at Christmas, while we were all in the Keys. Black particles began coming out from the skin, sand-like crystals were suddenly pushing from the scalp, I was itchy and uncomfortable but this time around it was at a much lower volume then at onset. I have experienced some lesions, in the form of 'papercuts' and blood spots appearing on the skin. They were tiny and healed quickly. It took close to 3 months for the symptoms of this detox to disappear, lessening with each week.
We added in another few products to my protocol fine-tuning the process. Once all my symptoms had abated I was ready to move on to the next step and do a colon cleanse. I used supplements for one month that gently cleansed the colon (Colon Cleanse by DaVinci Labs??). After that, I began with chelation therapy (Chelex by Xymogen) to remove heavy metals. Nancy has taken me through this journey with constant support through email. The fact that she is able to tell me what I can expect and interpret what I am going through is invaluable. Having gone through the early treatment phases and emerging symptom-free, makes me feel that I did indeed work through something—hopefully clearing biofilm. So where am I right now and what are the changes that happened over these few months of treatment?My skin cleared of many of black particles, although I still have them (my great lament was that I didn't have a camera back when I first got sick, because my skin was so saturated it was alarming!). Actually, I feel spry and 10 years younger than my 55 years of age (at the time this was written), an unexpected and very welcome gift.
A  And I am mystified as to why you have not yet answered my previous questions.A  For some reason, all family members who I have asked to explain their words, or unusual behaviors, have refused to do so. Still, they are here and I am monitoring them carefully. I am convinced of the value of the Great Plains and Metametrix testing. It just makes sense that one would want to know the particular weaknesses of their body before embarking on a journey of healing.
Getting the labwork done and seeing Nancy are the two smartest things I did throughout my ordeal. Morgellons for me is like that impossible teacher I had in my youth.
But it has also left me savoring hard-won battles and set me straight on how to live more in balance. Therefore, I try not to rail against the unfairness of the experience, but to look at how much I learned and the ways in which it has stretched me as a human being. Yes it has been a miserable teacher, but by it's hand I have been become an attentive student.I wish you all full recovery.
A So, don't send me any more information; because I have no idea what you are talking about and I find it to be bizarre thinking on your part. AylaWhile I am not comfortable sharing my protocol as it is specific to my lab results, I will outline what I feel are the bare-bones minimum I'd look to take if I were building a protocol. This would be a good probiotic (I use 3 different kinds throughout the day as was indicated by the results of my testing). FOS, according to Nancy can promote yeast growth so I'd stay away from a probiotic that includes it. I'd include a biofilm buster which breaks down the cellular matrix in the gut that inhibits absorption of necessary nutrients.
I used Interfase Plus and Wobenzym at different times (there are different kinds of Wobenzyme. I've used Carlson's liquid D3 which is lipid based, but recently have switched because of assimilation issues with fats to a dry encapsulated D3 (Prothera brand 5,000 I.Us a day). Certain of the B's can become depleted when the body is fighting infection, so a good B-complex seems necessary. Also, Mr.
Common Sense and now Clifford Carnicom have written about NAC and it's benefits along with vitamin C in helping quell the symptoms of our condition. I'd look into this as a close friend from the community began taking both high amounts of Vitamin C and NAC and her symptoms disappeared. She was taking 3,000-5,000 mg of C spread throughout the day and 600 mg 2x's a day of NAC both in the morning and at night. She eventually reduced it to 2,000 mg of vitamin C and 600 mg of NAC because the NAC was giving her headaches. The lesser dosage has been fine for keeping her symptoms of crawling, biting and stinging away. When she went off the protocol symptoms came back and when she again resumed, they went away. I might mention, that my protocol has always called for 1000 mg of vitamin C, three times a day.
While I was not on NAC as a separate supplement, it is in another product I take daily ?(Liver Protect by Xymogen). Nancy has stated that the clients she sees that do this first make themselves much worse and take longer to get better.
If I am going to do this right, I want to know what my baseline toxic load is so I can measure my progress over time.
The results arrived right after I finished my third week of chelation. My total toxic representation was OFF the chart with high levels of antimony, silver, cadmium, tin and magnesium. I have a host of other metals as well, they just were at lower levels than those mentioned above. Once Nancy reviewed my test results and knew how I was responding to the treatment she modified my protocol to include a liver support, and the addition of 3-4 new products that would also help balance me out. And any 3 lettered organizations shall be either the source, or the seekers of.A  Smile for the cameras, I'll be bringing them with me.A  Game On!!!! I keep an ongoing visual journal using photos which I share with her so she can see any new developments. During chelation I was more tired, needing to take naps and sleep longer on most days.
I also had some tiny red spots appear on the skin without breaking through.Red spots appear on the skin. Based on what was going, on Nancy pulled back on the chelation so that the process is even slower and gentler until my body can adapt.
Using shea butter and coconut oil mixture as a moisturizer seems to draw fibers and black particles from my skin if left on for 3-4 hours. Most are not readily apparent unless you really look for them. Hair The Morgellons has moved into my hair. An acupuncturist, pointed out after looking at my hair photos, that there were multiple "hairs" emerging from one follicle.
This doesn't feel like an ordinary perv situation of a guy who sits at his computer web cam and gets off while watching someone on his hidden camera. This is probably why my hair feels thicker even though it has been brittle, weak and falling out.
Helicobacter pylori, the bacteria I had with high levels the first time I was tested, is completely gone.
There was a new bacteria that showed up on this round of testing that wasn't on the previous.
Nancy feels that this is something that could have morphed, or, could have been present all along, but like peeling an onion back, was hidden under layers. A  Sure would suck to see myself on some internet site taking a crap or shower, or worse, as anything can be faked and damn well with today's technology.
She is adding seven new supplements to my protocol to address adrenal support as sleep has become fitful and I feel somehow too 'plugged in.' Fight or flight mode.
I'll be taking a prebiotic to address the new bacteria as well as some new products from Xymogen to open detox pathways. I'm excited to be moving in a new direction. Every time we do a new test, I see the value of this approach. Randomly throwing supplements at the body without being tested, with the hope that something might work, seems a dangerous practice. Not terrible full-blown itchy, just enough to let me know that I was reinfected or maybe this is an allergic flare-up.
This episode might have lasted longer than necessary had I immediately washed all my clothes but I got lazy and didn't wash them for a few days. Was not constantly itchy, but found I'd get itchy at odd intervals, sometimes once a day, sometimes not for days at a time and sometimes for a mere few seconds or so. I am putting a garden in upstate and often have my hands in the soil (without gloves) and have found that I am fine. The only itching I've got is from the occasional mosquito bite (and yes, these are real mosquitoes). Grant, Attorney at Law, Juneau, AK From Wedding Bells to Tales to Tell: The Affidavit of Eric William Swanson, my former spouse AFFIDAVIT OF SHANNON MARIE MCCORMICK, My Former Best Friend THE AFFIDAVIT OF VALERIE BRITTINA ROSE, My daughter, aged 21 THE BEAGLE BRAYS!
Now, instead of direct application of GSE I brush my teeth twice, once with toothpaste and once with a clean brush that has two drops of GSE on it.
Note that I have been letting my supplements run out in the last few months because I needed a break from taking approx. I wonder if the return to itchiness had something to do with my letting down my guard and not watching my pH. After the first day of swimming, I noticed small circular red blotches appear under the skin of my calves and thought, uh-oh, here comes trouble. I FINALLY have a microscope again (it was replaced after more than 7 months at the manufacturer!).
I had a few breakthrough 'papercut lesions' on the hands which I don't know what to make of. I stopped the Ormus because I wanted to document F-6, which has gotten quite a buzz in the Morgellons community. I still have 1.5 bottles left and intend to take it in a few months feeling I didn't give it a proper shot. For now, I want to concentrate on doing one therapy at a time, so I can really be sure what each does. October 17, 2011: Began using F-6 and have started a new link documenting that experience including photos showing what is emerging from the skin. I'm going to take it slow with this product as I don't want to have any major herxheimer episodes.
Caroline Carter, A healthcare worker that has Morgellons and works with ozone therapy (and who made her Morgellons worse with ozone saunas) said she cannot even be around it anymore.
I have since talked with another person that had strong outbreaks from doing an ozone sauna. Ozone therapy is typically great for cancer, AIDS and herpes, but for this disease might make us worse. There seems to be improvement to the hair which feels stronger and seems to be falling out less. A lot of "debris" is coming up through the skin, fibers, black particles, granules and many more fibers then ever seen before. A week and a half later I ate some quinoa with my lunch and two hours later had 3 oatmeal cookies (oatmeal, walnuts, carob chips, baking soda, vanilla). This forage into complex carbs was unusual for me.While eating the cookies I started to itch.
By the third cookie, I was having full-blown symptoms of itching, stinging and biting sensations (no crawling, thank God!). The fact that it came on with such force and was related to food, makes me think that Morgellons counts among it's causes a hyper-allergic reaction to food. In this case, I don't really know what specific ingredient triggered the reaction.By eliminating carbs again, symptoms quieted down.
I am noticing flare-ups of the arthritis in my foot which had so improved at the beginning of my treatment (but I kill my feet dancing one night a week, so that could play into this). The ones I can visually see without a scope are bigger then I've had before but there is no increase in the amount I generally see with my scope in the skin.
Will keep you posted of new developments.I've noticed that when it's very hot (93-97 degrees) and my skin is exposed to the air, I have more sensations on my arms. It's not unusual to feel a single pin prick sensation on my left upper arm, often I'll feel the same type of prick mirrored in the same spot on right arm sometime later, as if they were somehow linked.The other day on my bike I felt as if I hot poker were being pressed momentarily to my arm. When I looked down, there were three distinct tract marks in that spot, about a half, to an inch long that hadn't been there before. Since having Morgellons, it feels like the skin is no longer a reliable friend but is capable of erratic changes suddenly. They took about 5 days to disappear.?September 27, 2012 • Live blood microscopyJust posted a new link with photos of my recent session with Rick Panson, a microbiologist and healthy body coach who did a live blood and dried blood microscopy and gave me additional guidance for my health.
It's a bird's eye view into the system, giving a fuller, deeper understanding of what's going on  then just looking at lab results—although lab tests have their place!
In the next two weeks I get more testing done so will post those results when in. There were many problems with the blood. We are in a seasonal shift and my fingers have had a few tiny papercut lesions since the change began.Started the protocol Oct. Beginning with one pill a day of capyrilic acid with one pill olive leaf extract and 1 tsp. The L-glutamine is supposed to strengthen the gut lining and prevent leaky gut syndrome caused by the yeast die-off. Will stay on this for a few days and slowly double the dosage, then determine where to go from there.
16, 2012 Went back to Rick Panson for another live blood analysis and posted the photos under my last blood microscopy.
This is encouraging for all of you who wonder how long it will take to knock back candida and even if our protocols are working. Rick recommended Candex and Nancy told me she loved the product except now they are adding corn to Candex (and it's unknown if it's GMO corn), so she is no longer recommending it. Adrenal system had a number of markers indicating a lot of stress to the system, very low levels of vitamins C and B's, four different pathogenic bacteria showed up—Helicobacter Pylori was high, Clostridia, E. Kreb cycle needs support. Heavy metals hair test—all toxic metals were down except arsenic which went up with cadmium. Lead which was extremely high on my first test showed a considerable decrease as well as silver but lots more chelation ahead. It's been 2 years since I started using supplements to pull the metals out and I think it will take a couple more years of work.
The process is slow but steady which is a good thing because I think if the body released too much metal into the system at once there would be negative impact on the health.
Nancy pointed out that lead and cadmium are antagonistic to calcium absorption and bone health, so seeing this rise in cadmium and knowing I still have too high levels of lead makes me think that I might have to give up the painting at some point or switch mediums rather than compromise bone health. The heavy metals test also measures "essential and other elements," (minerals) It seems as a consequence of pulling heavy metals out, the minerals have been compromised.
Nancy suggested this organism is a pleomorph moving from bacteria to fungus according to favorable conditions in the body.
This is the third time it's changed. Feb 3, 2013 Just an acknowledgment that I just passed my 3rd anniversary since getting sick with Morgellons. The only time I really have symptoms is when I really mess up on diet (itchiness will start) or when ?very overheated and sweating from physical exertion like dancing, where it sometimes feels like needle pinpricks are sticking my skin from the INSIDE out, accompanied by itchiness.
Thieves is a great oil for preventing flu or when one is coming down with illness, but I am unclear if it can damage beneficial bacterias. Stopped taking thieves after a few weeks but do still take lemon and added in lemongrass and grapefruit to my daily capsule. Itchiness did not return. September 22, 2013 Decided to go on Stephen Buhners herbal protocol for Lyme disease (crafted from his excellent book, Healing Lyme). Although I tested negative for Lyme and feel fine, I don't trust the traditional testing one gets with their regular MD, and even though I don't think I'm dealing with Lyme, I can't discount the fact that so many Morgellons sufferers also have Borrelia and other co-infections that might be related to our disease which seem to improve with Lyme treatment. Also, his protocol addresses other issues I feel are pertinent to my health (even before Morgellons).
Certainly, I see over time that my immune system is weak, and my gut reaction now to coasting is that it could be an eventual time bomb. I'm taking Cats Claw, Sarsaparilla root (Jamaican—which I grind in my coffee grinder), Eleuthero (Siberian Ginseng), Astragalus, Japanese Knotweed and Andrographis. To his formula I've added in Ashwagandha and Sweet Cinnamon (from Sri Lanka) for the brain, as well as nettles (excellent herb for trace minerals and general support of system) and Pau D'arco (fungal). I take a quarter level teaspoon of each herb (which is roughly the equivalent of one 00 capsule) added to some water and drink it down. Surprisingly, I did not feel exhausted, although the protocol was pretty intense and caused a lot of flushing through the digestive system. This is not a new symptom and usually happens in the first few weeks of starting any new protocol. As these breakouts have always been so minor and short-lived? (an occasional papercut lesion or what looks like a pin prick), I paid them little mind. In this case, the skin continued to break open for the duration of treatment and I had some long "scratch" marks come up as well. It seemed like the last papercut I got was deeper and for the first time I started to worry that perhaps I was giving myself a lesion problem that I might not be able to turn off.
This little spot has bothered me on occasion on and off throughout the years of my Morgellons experience, but during the Buhner protocol, it itched almost constantly. On the plus side, I could tell there was a lot of detoxification going on and all of those bitter herbs were really helpful for quelling sugar cravings. I believe I will revisit this protocol modified in the future, but for now, am taking a rest from it. Note that when I ceased treatment, the papercut and pinprick lesions stopped, although I recently had a three-inch long "scratch" appear on my leg weeks after stopping his treatment some weeks back. This was a surprise, since problems usually only show up on my hands and 3 inches is rather a statement!For the first time, the scratch resembled images I've seen for Bartonella. There is much about it that I think is helpful, and I encourage people to study these herbs and supplements carefully, and decide for themselves if they want to incorporate them.
This is a very difficult protocol and for any who have detoxification pathway issues, this could impact their health negatively.
The release of toxins in a system that cannot remove them properly can be deadly, so it is important to not rush carelessly forward with something this strong. I did feel like the protocol helped me on many levels, but I could not tolerate the heart issues with pressure on the chest, burning, and breathing difficulties. The creator of the protocol feels that Bartonella is at the core of the Morgellons infection, and Bartonella likes to set up shop in the endothelial tissue of the heart. Thinking this was just a severe Herxheimer reaction, I went back on the protocol but was unable to advance more than one drop of each tincture before heart and breathing issues returned with a vengeance. This time, the heart issues did not abate immediately, and it's been some weeks now in which they often come back on a low level. His original protocol (which he posted on Jenna's blog and which is now removed) did not use MSM, or Silver Sol or various other supplements.
It also did not include baking soda, which is not inherently a problem, but at 2 teaspoons a day, might become one.



Goodnight love text for her 2013
The real truth about making money online
Do you make more money driving for lyft or uber
How to get current date in java using java.util.date


Comments to «What's the best way to make money in red dead redemption undead»

  1. ASKA_KAYF writes:
    Just witnessed, to contain her in your day-to-day creating an environment, but also about.
  2. elnare writes:
    Need to be sure that she is already components collectively and it's possible unique.
  3. LEDY_VUSAL_17 writes:
    Things occurring in his life, and they're testing to see if you.
  4. AtlantiS writes:
    Thing you discover there man is just texting one lady with him.
  5. Smach_That writes:
    Kinds of emotions withing the woman identify the type of girl you're lady thinks.