Lawson was born in 1928, the son and grandson of Methodist ministers, and grew up in Massillon, OH.
When Gandhi says that when he read the Sermon on the Mount, he said something like this, and I may not have the quite exact words but I think I have his meaning. There’s always been in the Christian movement from the days of Jesus people who took the stance of unconditional love for life, for human beings, and refused therefore to take up the sword against any of them, as Jesus did. I did not begin to call what I was doing nonviolence until 1947 as I accepted the language of A.J. After the Freedom Rides, Lawson was pastor of Centenary Methodist Church in Memphis from 1962 to 1974. I would very much appreciate correction(s) of any of my recollections, and, if possible, being pointed to the source where I can read or hear further on the conversation I reported on above. A proponent of freedom, dignity and respect for all humanity, this native white southerner was an original staff member of SNCC and took an active role during Mississippi Summer of 1964.
A June 24, 1964, photo of the burned-out station wagon in which civil rights workers Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, and James Chaney had been riding before they were arrested on June 21. The police move the body of one of the three murdered civil rights workers on August 5, 1964. Although she grew up mainly in South Carolina, Stembridge’s family frequently moved around during her early life. Stembridge became involved with the civil rights movement out of a sense of anger, repression, and injustice that she observed and experienced growing up in the South.
Stembridge, surrounded by paintings in this photo from Meredith College’s yearbook, earned the superlative “most original.” As an artistic, creative, gay woman, Stembridge felt Meredith offered an accepting student environment where women could make decisions and be heard. Without a clearly identified goal, Stembridge decided to attend Union Theological Seminary in New York after finishing at Meredith. In April 1960, Stembridge became the first secretary for the new organization, working out of King’s SCLC office on Auburn Avenue in Atlanta. Stembridge first met Robert “Bob” Moses at SNCC’s shared office with SCLC on Auburn Avenue in Atlanta in 1960. This August 1964 poster for a Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) rally underscores the outrage following the slaying of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney by Klan members in Mississippi.
State and federal agencies work jointly in an effort to find Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney.
Shortly after the men went missing, Stembridge and Danny Lyon attempted to find out any clues about what happened to the missing workers to pass on to SNCC and Attorney General Robert Kennedy by posing as a writer and photographer at the Neshoba County Fair. FBI agents called in to assist in the search for the bodies of the three missing civil rights workers drag the Pearl River near Philadelphia, Mississippi, on June 27, 1964, six days after the men went missing. A grant from the Ford Foundation enabled the planning, research, design and implementation of the Freedom Mosaic. CNN videotaped and photographed the interviews, provided transcripts, and edited all the video clips. Civil rights demonstrators hold an all-night vigil in front of the convention hall at the Democratic National Convention on August 24, 1964, advocating for the seating of the Mississippi Democratic Freedom Party (MDFP). Civil rights activists conduct voter registration canvassing in Hattiesburg on August 13, 1964. Simmons attended events at the Mennonite House, run by Vincent and Rosemarie Harding, in Atlanta, Georgia. The Neshoba County deputy sheriff and others move the body of one of the three civil rights workers murdered in Mississippi in June 1964.
Segregated drinking fountains in a Georgia county courthouse, a visible representation of Jim Crow in the South. Another view of the charred remains of the SNCC office in Laurel, destroyed by a firebomb in 1964. After a performance by the Free Southern Theater, civil rights workers and local citizens in Hattiesburg sing "We Shall Overcome" at a Baptist church in August 1964. A photo of Simmons speaking to an assembled group, taken by photographer Tamio Wakayama in Mississippi in 1964. Union Army General Carl Schurz served in the Mountain Department, the Army of the Potomac, and the Mississippi Department. Montgomery and Frank Blair helped arrange for Cassius Clay, who had been slated for Spain, to agree to be sent instead to Russia.

After the first words of welcome the conversation turned upon the real reasons for my return to the United States. Schurz was ambitious for Germans generally and himself in particular and could be impertinent with superiors. He spoke as if he felt a pressing need to ease his heart by a giving voice to the sorrowful thoughts distressing him. So he went on, as if speaking to himself, now pausing for a second, then uttering a sentence or two with vehement emphasis. Schurz had been a Wisconsin Republican leader and leader of German Americans who headed Republican efforts to attract immigrant voters in 1860. Schurz later served as Washington correspondent for New York Tribune, an editor for the New York Evening Post and Harper’s Weekly, Senator from Missouri (Republican, 1869-75) and Secretary of the Interior (1877-81).
Fresco of Approving of bylaw of Society of Jesus depicting Ignatius of Loyola receiving papal bull Regimini militantis Ecclesiae from Pope Paul 3. This group bound themselves by a vow of poverty and chastity, to "enter upon hospital and missionary work in Jerusalem, or to go without questioning wherever the pope might direct". They called themselves the Company of Jesus, and also Amigos En El Senor or "Friends in the Lord," because they felt "they were placed together by Christ." The name had echoes of the military (as in an infantry "company"), as well as of discipleship (the "companions" of Jesus). He was a leading proponent and teacher of nonviolence, the idea at the heart of the movement’s strategy. In 1947, his freshman year at Baldwin Wallace College in southern Ohio, he joined two organizations dedicated to nonviolence, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE, which would later organize the Freedom Rides) and the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR). In addition to his weekly workshop, he worked as a minister and studied as a graduate student at the divinity school of Vanderbilt University.
He helped organize the the Meredith March in Mississippi in 1966, and he was head of the Memphis sanitation workers’ strike committee in 1968. Named Vanderbilt’s Distinguished Alumnus of the year in 2005, he has been a visiting professor at the Divinity School since 2006. In Durham in 1960, we picketed pretty regularly, almost daily, and I was arrested twice at sit-ins.
He was a member of the Nashville Student Movement in 1961, and rode the first bus of Freedom Riders into Jackson on May 24. King after an address delivered at Otterbein or Oberlin College following King’s Montgomery victory. In poetic form and in her life, she still seeks to address the struggles of humankind to understand, appreciate and accept difference, as one of the ways to be free and human. Her journey has taken her from the African American freedom struggle in Mississippi and Georgia to decades of international peace and justice work to addressing issues of women in Islam today. Schurz had first been slated for Sardinia, but his revolutionary past convinced Secretary of State William H. He would not complain of the fearful burden of care and responsibility put upon his shoulders. Meanwhile the dusk of evening had set in, and when the room was lighted I thought I saw his sad eyes moist and his rugged features working strangely, as if under a strong and painful emotion. Ignatius of Loyola, who after being wounded in a battle, experienced a religious conversion and composed the Spiritual Exercises to closely follow Christ. The fresco was created by Johann Christoph Handke in the Church of Our Lady Of the Snow in Olomouc after 1743. A year later he withdrew his draft registration, for which he soon serve 13 months in federal prison. A lot of black newspapers saw Gandhi as an ally in the struggle against racism and Jim Crow and American apartheid. After bailing out, he began recruiting future Riders in Jackson, and set up a CORE office there.
Owing to the presence of some foreign diplomats waiting upon the Secretary, we cut our conversation short with the understanding that we would discuss matters more fully at some more convenient time. At once I obtained the necessary leave from my corps commander, and the next morning at seven I reported myself at the White House. He greeted me cordially, and asked me to wait in the office until he should be through with the current business of the day, and then to spend the evening with him at the cottage on the grounds of the Soldiers’ Home, which he occupied during the summer.
At last he stopped, as if waiting for me to saying something, and deeply touched as I was, I only expressed as well as I could, my confident assurance that the people, undisturbed by the bickerings of his critics, believed in him and would faithfully stand by him.

He was a reformer in many areas who favored civil service reform and equal rights for freed slaves. From these sessions would come the Nashville Student Movement and, in large part, SNCC (the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee), as well as an all-star lineup of leaders, including John Lewis, Diane Nash, James Bevel, Bernard Lafayette and C.T.
They thought what he was doing in India and South Africa were of utmost importance for black people to know about. Until that time, I was using the language of love as I found that in Jesus of Nazareth, and as my parents, especially as my mother, influenced me. I did not deem it proper to ask him whether he had ever seen that despatch, and he did not tell me that he had. In the carriage on the way thither he made various inquiries concerning the attitude of this and that public man, and this and that group of people, and we discussed the question whether it would be good policy to attempt an active campaign before the Democrats should have ‘shown their hand’ in their National Convention.
But was it necessary, was it generous, was it right, to impeach even the rectitude of his motives? The conversation, then turning upon things to be done, became more cheerful, and in the course of the evening he explained to me various acts of the administration which in the campaign might be questioned and call for defense. But he listened to me very attentively, even eagerly, as I thought, without interrupting me. Lincoln seated in an arm chair before the open-grate fire, his feet in his gigantic morocco slippers. He argued that such an attempt would be unwise unless some unforeseen change in the situation called for it. As to his differences with members of Congress concerning reconstruction, he laid particular stress upon the fact that, looked at from a constitutional standpoint, the Executive could do many things by virtue of the war power, which Congress could not do in the way of ordinary legislation.
Arrived at the cottage, he asked me to sit down with on a lounge in a sort of parlor which was rather scantily furnished, and began to speak about the attacks made upon him by party friends, and their efforts to force his withdrawal from the candidacy. When I took my leave that night he was in a calm mood, indulged himself in a few humorous remarks, shook my hand heartily, and said: ‘Well, things might look better, and they might look worse. The substance of what he said I can recount from a letter written at the time to an intimate friend. After a while I gathered up my wits and after a word of sorrow, if I had written anything that could have pained him, I explained to him my impressions of the situation and my reasons for writing to him as I had done.
And if I should step aside to make room for him, it is not at all sure – perhaps not even probable – that he would get here.
Then he unfolded in his peculiar way his view of the then existing state of affairs, his hopes and his apprehensions, his troubles and embarrassments, making many quaint remarks about men and things. It is much more likely that the factions opposed to me would fall to fighting among themselves, and that those who want me to make room for a better man would get a man whom most of them would not want in at all.
My withdrawal, therefore, might, and probably would, bring on a confusion worse confounded. Then he described how the criticisms coming down upon him from all sides chafed him, and how my letter, although containing some points that were well founded and useful, had touched him as a terse summing up of all the principal criticisms and offered him a good chance at me for a reply.
God knows, I have at least tried very hard to my duty – to do right to everybody and wrong to nobody. And now to have it said by men who have been my friends and who ought to know me better, that I have been seduced by what they call the lust of power, and that I have been doing this and that unscrupulous thing hurtful to the common cause, only to keep myself in office! I cannot imagine that any European power would dare to recognize and aid the Southern Confederacy if it becomes clear that the Confederacy stands for slavery and the Union for freedom.’ Then he explained to me that, while a distinct anti-slavery policy would remove the foreign danger, and would thus work for the preservation of the Union – while, indeed, it might, in this respect, be necessary for the preservation of the Union, and while he thought that it would soon appear and be recognized to be in every respect necessary, he was in doubt as to whether public opinion at home was yet sufficiently prepared for it. He was anxious to unite, and keep united, all the forces of Northern society and of the Union element in the South, especially the Border States, in the war for the Union. Would not the cry of ‘abolition war,’ such as might be occasioned by a distinct anti-slavery policy, tend to disunite those forces and thus weaken the Union cause? He wished me to look around a little, and in a few days to come back to him and tell him of the impressions I might have gathered.

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