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Chuck Todd was editor-in-chief of The Hotline, an inside-Washington newsletter from the National Journal, before moving to NBC. In his new book How Barack Obama Won: A State-by-State Guide to the Historic 2008 Presidential Election, NBC News' Chuck Todd parses the results of the 2008 election using a fine-grained statistical approach. A State-by-State Guide to the Historic 2008 Presidential Election by Chuck Todd, Sheldon Gawiser, Ana Maria Arumi and G. Actor and singer Tab Hunter's new book, Tab Hunter Confidential: The Making of a Movie Star, reveals his long-secret status as a homosexual in Hollywood. Forty years ago this morning, nerdy freshman Mike Doonesbury met his roommate at Walden College, and since that day, the funny pages haven't been the same. Created in the throes of '60s and '70s counterculture, Garry Trudeau's Doonesbury comic strip blurred the lines between comics and the editorial pages, and produced some of the most memorable cartoon characters ever sketched. Mark "Megaphone" Slackmeyer's long career in radio culminates with his NPR interview program,A All Things Reconsidered.
May 21, 1977: Joanie graduates from law school In 1974, urged by one of her day care charges a€” "Dare to be great, Ms. May 1, 1997: Mike Doonesbury's second marriage, to Kim Rosenthal When one of the Mike's Summer Daydream sequences turned out to come true, the strip's ur-character found himself ensconced in Seattle's coffee culture, working for college pal Bernie's computer company. April 10, 2009: Alex meets Toggle TBI (traumatic brain injury) is the signature wound of the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts, and when Spc.
Many African-American leaders have lost touch with a hallmark of the civil rights movement — the tradition of self-empowerment, Juan Williams says in his new book. Hear Excerpts from Bill Cosby's May 17, 2004, Address at an NAACP Event Marking the 50th Anniversary of Brown v. James Baldwin, an American novelist, essayist, playwright and poet, grew up in New York City but moved to France in 1948. Why I Stopped Hating Shakespeare Every writer in the English language, I should imagine, has at some point hated Shakespeare, has turned away from that monstrous achievement with a kind of sick envy.
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But Doonesbury's popularity quickly grew — a success that Trudeau attributes to the novelty of a cartoon that took on the nation's generational divide. 13, 1976: Joanie Caucus and Rick Redfern spend the night together While working on the congressional campaign of her University of California, Berkeley law school roommate Virginia Slade, Joanie Caucus was interviewed by East Coast reporter Rick Redfern. 1, 1981: The 53rd hostage ("the bald spy") is released in Tehran One of former Ambassador Duke's boldest exploits involved parachuting into Iran on behalf of Universal Petroleum in a doomed attempt to restore the flow of oil out of that country.
4, 1996: Mark Slackmeyer outs himself live on air Former student radical Mark "Megaphone" Slackmeyer, who famously covered Watergate on the campus radio station, smoothly segued into a long career in radio, culminating with his NPR interview program, All Things Reconsidered.
An unexpected romance with brilliant young bug-checker Kim Rosenthal (familiar to longtime readers as an orphan airlifted out of Vietnam in 1974) followed its bumpy course to a family business (with the way-capable Alex) and a family.
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Beah is currently on an 15-city book tour to talk about his first-hand account of fighting as a boy in war-torn Sierra Leone. It was the first time in 34 years that loyal Doonesbury readers saw him without his helmet. The graduating class of 1974 included many women who, like Joanie, had decided to change the course of their lives by applying to law school. A memorable weeklong wordless slow-mo pan of dailies ended with the couple in bed together a€” a strip that more than 30 newspapers chose not to print.
Accepted by Boston University, Georgetown, Golden Gate State and UC Berkeley, she chose Berkeley.
His capture and sentencing to death by firing squad led to many months of ominous absence, during which time his presumed death played havoc among his associates on the home front.
Although he had privately come to terms with his gayness several years before in the strip, it was during an on-air interview with conservative pundit and future spouse Chase Talbot III that Mark accidentally outed himself. Readers found themselves unexpectedly moved by his loss of a leg a€” and his ever-present helmet a€” and for months posted moving testimony on the Doonesbury website's Blowback page. Key to Toggle's engaging story is an improbable Facebook romance born out of a shared love of alt music a€” with a whipsmart MIT techie named Alex Doonesbury.
Bush's approval rating was low a€” to tease out a sense of the American electorate and whether there's really been a sea change in American politics.
MIT students picketed The Boston Globe with signs reading, "Joanie, we forgive you." Marriage, a son, and long careers in the nation's capital followed.
When Joanie's class graduated in 1977, a mortarboard on an empty seat marked her spot, and Trudeau delivered the commencement address. When 52 American hostages who had been held in Tehran by militant Islamist students for 444 days were finally released, a 53rd hostage a€” "the bald spy" a€” was also given his freedom.
For six years, the strip has tracked his journey of physical and psychological recovery, as B.D.
The San Francisco Examiner reported that Caucus received a job offer from a Southern California law firm.
His great vast gallery of people, whose reality was as contradictory as it was unanswerable, unspeakably oppressed me. He was eventually adopted by an American woman and brought to the United States, where he attended high school and graduated from Oberlin College.
You know that the creator is on the bus and he's sending us reports from the counterculture movement." 'I Replaced The Helmets With Other Helmets' As Doonesbury grew in scope, the characters started coming into their own. In 1972, the popular quarterback of Walden's football team went to Vietnam to get out of writing a term paper.
Two books about his journey, The Long Road Home and The War Within, raise money for Fisher House.
Cosby repeatedly aimed his fire at the leaders of today's popular black culture, which is often not just created by black artists, but marketed and managed by black executives.


I was resenting, of course, the assault on my simplicity; and, in another way, I was a victim of that loveless education which causes so many schoolboys to detest Shakespeare.
The arrival of daughter Alex reunited them amid the shock of parenthood, which was only somewhat ameliorated by employing the services of nanny Zonker Harris. He was talking about current black political leaders and, most of all, about the civil rights leaders who time and time again send the wrong message to poor black people desperately in need of direction as they try to find their way in a society where being black and poor remains a unique burden to bear.
But I feared him, too, feared him because, in his hands, the English language became the mightiest of instruments. And I had no idea whether I could do that." In the four decades since its humble beginnings, Doonesbury has become much more than a sports strip.
That he had to struggle to move into the life of a wounded warrior and find out what that new normal looked like." 'I Really Had To Sweat The Details' As readers got to know Trudeau's characters over the years, they began taking on lives of their own.
Trudeau marks his characters' 40th anniversary in the hefty new collection 40: A Doonesbury Retrospective. In 1974, feminist Joanie Caucus earned her law degree from the University of California, Berkeley's Boalt Hall — both in the cartoon strip and in real life. I still remember my shock when I i¬?nally heard these lines from the murder scene in Julius Caesar. Who will tell you that if you want to get a job you have to stay in school and spend more money on education than on disposable consumer goods? Where are the black leaders who are willing to stand tall and say that any black man who wants to be a success has to speak proper English? It would be a bonus if anyone dared to say to teenagers hungering for authentic black identity that dressing like a convict, whose pants are hanging off his ass because the jail prison guards took away his belt, is not the way to rise up and be a success. It was the voice of lonely, dedicated, deluded Cassius, whose life had never been real for me before — I suddenly seemed to know what this moment meant to him. It takes a leader to articulate why success in a world that so dramatically devalues black people is a worthwhile goal. Just so, indeed, is the heedless State overA¬thrown by men, who, in order to overthrow it, have had to achieve a desperate single- mindedness. And this single- mindedness, which we think of (why?) as ennobling, also operates, and much more surely, to distort and diminish a man — to distort and diminish us all, even, or perhaps especially, those whose needs and whose energy made the overthrow of the State inevitable, necessary, and just.
It takes a leader to think through the consequences and outline a better path—even if it requires sacrifice in the short term, sacrifice that may include giving up the easy emotional satisfaction of ultimately pointless acts, unexamined gestures of rebellion that never rise to the level of true resistance or long-term revolution. Or, worse than impossible, useless; for here we were, at once howlA¬ing and being torn to pieces, the only receptacles of evil and the only receptacles of nobility to be found in all the universe. Why is rhetoric from our current core of civil rights leaders fixated on white racism instead of on the growing power of black Americans, now at an astounding level by any historical measure, to determine their own destiny?
Fifty years after Brown, much of the power to address the problems facing black people is in black hands. Here is Cosby at the very start of his famous speech: "I heard a prizefight manager say to his fellow, who was losing badly, 'David, listen to me, it's not what he's doing to you. It's what you're not doing.'" Black Americans, including the poor, spend a lot of time talking about the same self-defeating behaviors that are holding back too many black people. It is probably of some significance, though we cannot pursue it here, that my i¬?rst real apprehension of Shakespeare came when I was living in France, and thinking and speaking in French. And black people are the first to shake their heads at the scandals and antics of the current crop of civil rights leaders who are busy with old-school appeals for handouts instead of making maximum use of the power black people have in this generation to determine their own success.
If the language was not my own, it might be the fault of the language; but it might also be my fault. Perhaps the language was not my own because I had never attempted to use it, had only learned to imitate it. Black leaders have always risen to the occasion in the past, and in far more desperate situations—why does the talent bench seem so thin today? If this were so, then it might be made to bear the burden of my experience if I could i¬?nd the stamina to challenge it, and me, to such a test.
One key here is that nearly forty years after Reverend King's death, the best black talent don't have civil rights leadership as their chief ambition. Strong black intellects and personalities are leaders in media (Richard Parsons, the head of Time Warner, and Mark Whitaker, editor of Newsweek), securities firms (such as Stanley O'Neal of Merrill Lynch), global corporations (Kenneth Chenault of American Express, Ann Fudge of the public relations firm Young and Rubicam), academic institutions (Ruth Simmons, Kurt Schmoke, Henry Louis Gates, Ben Carson), religious organizations (Floyd Flake, T. Jakes), and national politics (Eleanor Holmes Norton, Artur Davis, Barack Obama, and Colin Powell).
The structure of the French language told me something of the French experience, and also something of the French expectations — which were certainly not the American expectations, since the French daily and hourly said things which the Americans could not say at all.
That leaves the civil rights leadership of today in older hands: the Jesse Jacksons and Julian Bonds, people who made a name for themselves in the 1960s. An immense experience had forged this language; it had been (and remains) one of the tools of a people's survival, and it revealed expectations which no white American could easily entertain. Then there are the latecomers, such as Al Sharpton, whose contribution is to mimic the aging leaders. The authority of this language was in its candor, its irony, its density, and its beat: this was the authority of the language which produced me, and it was also the authority of Shakespeare. Neither the old-timers nor their pale imitators recognize that national politics has changed and black people have changed. Yet the black leadership is fighting the old battles and sending the same signals even as poor black people are stuck in a rut and falling further behind in a global economy. Under this light, this revelation, both myself and my past began slowly to open, perhaps the way a i¬‚ower opens at morning, but more probably the way an atrophied muscle begins to function, or frozen i¬?ngers to thaw. He could have done this only through love — by knowing, which is not the same thing as understanding, that whatever was happening to anyone was happening to him. In speaking out, he presents himself as an ordinary man with a deep passion for the well-being of his people, black people. It is said that his time was easier than ours, but I doubt it — no time can be easy if one is living through it.


He is full of the rage of an average man who sees vulnerable people being hurt and feels compelled to speak out about the glaring errors and lack of truth-telling in dealing with their problems. Only, he saw, as I think we must, that the people who produce the poet are not responsible to him: he is responsible to them.
And his responsibility, which is also his joy and his strength and his life, is to defeat all labels and complicate all battles by insisting on the human riddle, to bear witness, as long as breath is in him, to that mighty, unnameable, transi¬?guring force which lives in the soul of man, and to aspire to do his work so well that when the breath has left him, the people — all people! I am not a leader." But Cosby, like everybody else who is paying attention, recognizes bad leadership when he sees it.
He was at a town-hall meeting in Detroit to speak directly to black Americans in one of the nation's blackest cities. He wanted ordinary black people to hear from him directly about his comments at the Brown anniversary gala.
When he reflected on today's black civil rights leaders, Cosby essentially asked, Why are black leaders making the case for black crack addicts to get softer sentences? Why are black leaders so concerned that cocaine users get shorter sentences than crack smokers? It is true that the people snorting cocaine are more often white and middle-class, and crack addicts are disproportionately black and lower-class. But what if all this effort from black leaders was successful and crack addicts got lower sentences? They should say it is a betrayal of all the black people who fought to be free, independent, and in control of their own lives since the day the first slave ship landed.
They should identify the crack trade as one of the primary reasons why so many young black people are ending up in jail. Certainly, back leaders should be in front of marches pushing those crack dealers out of black neighborhoods.
And that effort should include a message that has yet to be heard with sincerity from black leaders: using crack, heroin, or any other addictive drug, including excessive drinking of alcohol, is self-destructive, breaks up families, saps ambition, and is more dangerous than most white racists. Has anyone seen the civil rights leaders at the head of a march against bad schools or a boycott against the minstrel acts and sex, beer, and gangster images that are promoted as authentic black identity on Black Entertainment Television? Essence, a black women's magazine, has taken the lead in condemning hateful verbal attacks on black women by black rap musicians. Working against tremendous odds, black leaders have organized, built coalitions, and trained and inspired people of all colors to break through racism, taboos, and stereotypes to create the greatest social movement in American history—the twentieth-century civil rights movement.
Civil rights leaders have a fabulous record of progress, excellence, and achievement, and a willingness to fight and sacrifice for the next generation. Their commitment to democracy, law, and equality has made the civil rights movement the moral center of America for the past century.
Failure wasn't desired, of course, but was willingly risked in the name of standing up for what was right. From the start of slavery in the United States, black leaders devised escapes, sabotaged plantation operations, and plotted strategic acts of violence to defy the system of human ruination that is slavery. Denmark Vesey led a slave revolt in 1822, in which he organized about 10,000 black people in both rural and urban areas around Charleston, South Carolina.
At a time when black people outnumbered whites in the region, Vesey used black servants to spy on whites.
He obtained and stored weapons, devised signals for his leaders to communicate, and had a clear plan for seizing the large arsenal in Charleston's harbor and using it to command the region. He recognized the power of religion and religious leaders in the black community, and used the church as a strategic center to identify leaders as well as recruit followers and hold meetings. But he ably demonstrated to black and white people the power of black people to throw off their identity as slaves and take on the mantle of self-determination as smart, courageous people in search of freedom. These men were in a desperate situation, but these were not symbolic acts of self-destruction—they were organized resistance to an untenable status quo, and even in failure they inspired others to keep fighting and resisting. The African Union Society of Newport for the Moral Improvement of Free Africans set requirements for the personal conduct of members who paid monthly dues for disability benefits and to be assured of proper burial. It gave black people a voice in the city's political affairs with the goal of protecting equal rights for black people. The prize of black leadership, from that start, was always to have black people control their destiny by being able to educate their children, operate businesses, participate in politics as equals, and in the earliest struggle of all, live free of the exploitation of slave masters. In its place is a tired rant by civil rights leaders about the power of white people—what white people have done wrong, what white people didn't do, and what white people should do.
This rant puts black people in the role of hapless victims waiting for only one thing—white guilt to bail them out. As a speaker, as the author of a book about his life in slavery, and as editor of a newspaper, the North Star, Douglass led the charge for all good people to stand against the abomination of slavery, including a call for black people to take up their own fight as a capable, strong force in American life. Douglass was the main black leader who pressed President Lincoln to allow black people to fight with the Union forces in the name of freeing themselves from slavery. All he asked of President Lincoln was that he officially emancipate the slaves so they could legally fight for their freedom. He personally recruited blacks, including his own two sons, for two regiments in Massachusetts. He asked the president for a military commission so he could lead black people in the fight for their own freedom.
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