Social work jobs akron ohio,jobs for 17 year olds in connecticut,freelance writer jobs nyc - PDF Books

13.11.2014
Average Social Worker Lsw salaries for job postings in Akron, OH are 11% lower than average Social Worker Lsw salaries for job postings nationwide.
The State of Working Ohio 2013 uses the best and most recent data available to understand how Ohio’s labor market is working. Weaker than previous recoveries: After the 1990 and 1981 recessions, Ohio fully recovered the lost jobs within about three and a half years or less, yet we haven’t recovered the jobs lost in either of the last two recessions more than five and 12 brutal years after the 2007 and 2001 recessions. Worse job growth than the nation: While the national recovery is weak, Ohio’s is much worse. Ohio’s low-wage trap: Ohio’s median wage – the wage earned by a worker precisely in the middle – nudged up by a paltry two cents between 2011 and 2012 and remains, with the exception of last year, lower than it has been since 1996 adjusted for inflation. Tough times for young and prime-age workers: We have to go back to 1985 to find a year when a smaller portion of prime-age workers (those between the ages of 25 and 54) was in the Ohio labor force. Long-term unemployment persists: By the end of 2012, more than one in three of those without jobs had been out of work for more than six months. While some indicators are slightly better than they were in last year’s report, Ohio’s economy does not look like it should in a real recovery. These three changes will put Ohioans back to work and get our state out in front of the demands of a changing economy.
Ohio’s recent job growth has been weak by historical standards and dismal in comparison with other states. One way to understand the weakness of Ohio’s recovery from the 2007 recession is to compare it to the aftermath of other recent recessions. Ranking Ohio among states, as Figure 6 does, provides a grimmer picture – only three states have lost more jobs than Ohio has since 2005 when tax cuts were passed here with the promise that they would revive job creation. Figure 7, below, shows that there is no sector in which Ohio added a higher portion of jobs than the rest of the country between 2005and July 2013, the most recent data available. While mining positions may be growing more than other sectors, they remain a sliver of the Ohio economy. African-American employment-to-population ratios have falling precipitously since 2001 in Ohio, declining in all years except 2005 and 2006, and actually falling below 50 percent in 2011. It is easy to conclude from the dismal news about the weak recovery that nothing is working in the economy. State data on earnings at different percentiles, in Figure 16, shows that Ohio has become much less equal in the past generation, that most Ohioans are doing worse than a similar cohort about thirty years ago, and that all of the growth in well-being has gone to the top. Ohio’s real median wage – the wage earned by a worker precisely in the middle – nudged up by a paltry two cents between 2011 and 2012 and remains, with the exception of last year, lower than it has been since 1996. Ohio’s median wage now lags nearly 75 cents behind that of the US as a whole, though both the US and Ohio median wages, shown in Figure 18, have shrunk or stagnated in recent years. Women earned three dollars less per hour than men in Ohio in 2012, despite the fact that men’s wages have fallen by more than three dollars an hour since 1979 in inflation-adjusted terms. While black workers in Ohio earned considerably more than black workers in the country as a whole in 1979 (seen in Figure 20), that is no longer the case.
One sign of our persistently poor economy is the degree to which even prime-age workers, between the ages of 25 and 54, are leaving the labor force or are not employed.
Ohio workers with less education have the least chance of finding and keeping decent jobs in this economy – those without a high school degree have unemployment levels above 16 percent, meaning nearly one in six is actively seeking and unable to find work as Figure 23 shows. Ohio workers were 80 percent more likely to have a bachelor’s degree in 2012 than they were in 1979, but still only a little more than a quarter of Ohio adults have that level of education.
For African-American workers, unemployment remains above a level that would be considered recessionary if it were affecting the state as a whole.
Among the worst features of the 2007 recession and its slow recovery has been the length of spells of unemployment – those who lost jobs during the recession often failed to find new jobs even after many months of looking. These three changes will put Ohioans back to work, get our state out in front of the demands of a changing economy, and position Ohio for future success. Wages were higher for Ohio median workers in 1979 and also in much of the 80s, late 90s and 2000s.


Young people in Ohio face recessionary levels of unemployment at a time when they should be climbing the first rungs of a career ladder.
As Figure 2 shows, we failed to gain jobs during the late 2000s when the national economy was doing better and we lost a greater portion of our jobs during the 2007 recession.
After the 1981 and 1990 recessions, Ohio added public jobs, providing a counter-cyclical boost to the economy and also providing more of the services that families need when they are struggling financially.
We’ve added jobs in mining, education and health, leisure and professional business services, but in each case we’ve added a smaller percentage of jobs than the nation as a whole has.
Male labor force participation in Ohio has dropped in many individual years over recent decades but fell to an all-time low in 2012 as Figure 10 shows. Figure 11 below shows that fewer women are also working – the portion of adult women who were employed was at a twenty-year low at the end of 2012. The bottom 70 percent of Ohio workers have seen their wages decline, adjusted for inflation, in comparison to workers at a similar point on the earnings spectrum in 1979.
While corporate profits have rebounded nationally, for workers directly in the middle in Ohio, compensation remains low and stagnant. We have to go back to 1985, a time when many fewer women worked, to find a year with comparably low labor force participation rates for prime age workers.
Workers are also much more likely to have some college, a category that includes both those who have gotten associate’s degrees and those who have started but not finished a four-year degree. By the end of 2012, more than one in three Ohioans without jobs had been out of work for more than six months, which is extremely high by historic standards. But in a weak labor market many workers accept part-time jobs when they’d rather work full-time, stop looking because they don’t think they’ll find a job, or stop looking because they lack the child care or transportation that they would need to be able to work. A glaring flaw in our handling of the aftermath of this recession is that we’ve gutted public jobs. National analysts are lamenting the “lost decade” – in Ohio we’ve had a decade and a generation of not just stagnation but wage decline. Nearly 13 percent of workers between ages 16 and 24 are looking for and unable to find jobs in Ohio. After the 1990 recession, Ohio fully recovered the lost jobs within just under three years (35 months) and after the 1981 recession, all jobs were recovered within about three and a half years (44 months). Despite the Ohio legislature’s refusal to enact a severance tax, we’ve added a smaller percentage of mining jobs than the nation as a whole.
Only in the post-2007 recession has female labor force participation in Ohio dropped so sharply. The only groups that have seen any real wage growth are at the 80th and 90th percentiles – those workers who already earn more than 80 or 90 percent of workers in the state. Wages were higher for Ohio median workers in 1979 and also in much of the 80s, late 90s and 2000s when adjusted for inflation as Figure 17 shows. Consequently, young people in Ohio face recessionary levels of unemployment at a time when they should be climbing the first rungs of a career ladder. Now more than 56 percent of Ohio adults have either some college or a college degree, up from just 33 percent in 1979 shown in Figure 24. In doing so, we’ve worsened the economy, lengthened the unemployment lines, and robbed Ohio stores, restaurants and service providers of customers. In all sectors, we lost more jobs and in the one sector that policy can control – public jobs – the country has added slightly while we’ve cut, further weakening a poor employment situation in Ohio. Ohio’s median wage now lags nearly 75 cents behind that of the US as a whole, in contrast to a generation ago when Ohio workers earned more than $1.50 more per hour than US workers. Stuck: The State of Working Ohio 2013 uses the best and most recent data available to understand how Ohio’s labor market is working. We start much of our analysis in 2005, when tax cuts were passed in Ohio on the theory that they would lead to greater job growth. In contrast we still haven’t recovered the jobs lost in either of the last two recessions, more than five years after the 2007 recession began and a brutal 12 years after the 2001 recession.


And after the 2007 recession we cut public jobs sharply and recovery has been anemic as Figure 5 shows. In all other sectors we’ve lost jobs and in all cases we’ve lost more jobs than the country has. Middle-income workers have done particularly poorly over the past generation, seeing their real wages shrink by more than a dollar an hour compared to similarly situated workers in 1979. The vast majority of Ohio adults now have at least a high school degree – more than 90 percent of Ohio adults have completed high school, up from just over 75 percent in 1979. It leaves out those who have stopped looking for work, and those who are working part-time but would rather be full-time. Underemployment fell between 2011 and 2012 in Ohio, but since 2009 has remained above the level of any year measured prior to that. In more successful recoveries, we’ve added public sector workers, providing a smart countercyclical boost to the economy, getting projects done at a time when a slump made that cheaper to do, and ensuring that the social workers and others who help us through tough times are able to deliver for Ohio. The austerity policies passed in 2005 and continued with little interruption since are not working in Ohio.
In Ohio, we could only wish that wages were what they were a decade ago at the median ($16.62) – here they’ve fallen by over a dollar an hour in that time.
This does not include full-time students who aren’t seeking employment; as always, the unemployment rate measures the rate for those actively seeking work.
Despite this growth, Ohio levels of higher education lag behind those of most other states. The marginally attached line shows the workers who have stopped looking for work but do want work and are available for it. The austerity policies, passed in 2005 and continued with little interruption since, are not working in Ohio.
Restoring cuts to schools and local governments would get our public workers back on the job. We end with concrete recommendations to create more and better jobs for people who work or want to work in Ohio. This meant not only that the displaced teachers, firefighters, social workers and bus drivers were unavailable to deliver valuable public services to Ohioans but it meant that our overall economy was weaker.
Sometimes when the labor market improves, workers rejoin the labor force, paradoxically driving the unemployment rate up.
But they matter because when jobs are scarce, workers drop out of the labor market and are no longer included in the unemployment rate.
It measures the average worker, not the middle worker, and is therefore skewed upward by the highest earners.
Similarly, after prolonged periods of high unemployment, like we are experiencing now in Ohio, workers get discouraged, stop seeking work, leave the labor market and drop out of the statistic. Knowing how many people are working and how many have stopped trying to find jobs tells us a lot about the health of the labor market.
Overall annual unemployment levels in Ohio remained at 7.2 percent in 2012 nearly five years after the start of the last recession as Figure 25 shows. The July monthly unemployment rate in Ohio, after some fluctuations in the months in between, was also at 7.2 percent.
Men lost more jobs early in the recession, but male and female unemployment rates converged by the end of 2012 at a troubling above-7-percent level, down from the peaks at the height of the recession, but still nowhere near what recovery-level rates should be. Ohio’s unemployment rate had been lower than the nation’s for much of the last three years but the most recent release from the Bureau of Labor Statistics indicated that the current difference between the Ohio and national unemployment rate is not statistically significant.



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