Folic acid nhs advice,xyy infertility,odds of getting pregnant at 45 90 - PDF Review

For me, there is a difference between supporting women’s choice and supporting their reproductive health. As it turned out, while we were focused on this explicit racism, the women of the community were being subjected to a more insidious form of racism.
They held the view that women must be feeling exhausted by their large families, that children suffered from overcrowding in small flats, and that women would therefore benefit from better contraception. To stay with reproductive health in the UK: compared to the US, much of what we have in Britain is good. There is no recognition in the law that women are competent to decide by themselves if they wish to be pregnant.
Of course, the choice between having a child and having an abortion is not the same as a choice between two pairs of shoes, or between a latte and an espresso.
I cannot think of a more patronising, degrading way to talk about oppressed and marginalised people than to say that they have no choice about their pregnancy. Sally Sheldon, Professor of Law at the University of Kent and a founding member of Lawyers for Choice, writes on The Conversation.
Abortion is still a criminal offence in the UK under the Offences Against the Person Act 1861. As things stand, a terrified teenager, who takes abortion drugs that she has bought over the internet rather than tell anyone that she is pregnant, is committing a crime that is punishable by life imprisonment. The act is so widely recognised as out of date that the Law Commission is conducting a major review of its content.
The 1861 act is grounded in the moral concerns and medical realities of mid-Victorian Britain. This effects of this harsh, punitive statute have been mitigated by legislation introduced in 1967, which permits abortions under medical control, but this second law is out of date too. It is true that women are seldom charged for getting an abortion – but the fact that an archaic law is not enforced is not justification for retaining it. But it would mean recognising that the threat of prison is no fit response to the pregnant teenager above or, indeed, to any woman who feels unable to access formal health care services. Sweeping away criminal prohibitions on abortion would also begin to address the stigma associated with a procedure sought by one in three British women at some point in their lives, and the health professionals that care for them. It would offer the chance to remove clinically unnecessary barriers to the provision of high quality, compassionate services. For many of us, this is not because we believe that the growing, human fetus has no moral significance. The onus should be on those who wish to retain the threat of a prison sentence to explain why criminal sanction offers a useful and appropriate part of a modern response to addressing the problem of unwanted pregnancy. It is almost 100 years since the British parliament recognised that women should have the right to vote. A one-day conference on maternal autonomy, risk and responsibility, organised jointly by BPAS, the Centre for Parenting Culture Studies, and Birthrights. The comment above appeared in a feature article in The Guardian newspaper in 1991, discussing advice given to American women about drinking and pregnancy. This conference provides the opportunity for those concerned about the organisation of advice and also provision of care to pregnant women around this motto, to come together and discuss the issues raised.
The topic of drinking and pregnancy forms the starting point for event, and discussion will cover developments in countries that have conventionally been thought of as the cultural and policy opposite to the United States, for example Scandinavia. Afternoon sessions will consider topics where relate trends seem apparent and consider how developments contest the principle of autonomy.
The Policing Pregnancy conference is a collaboration between British Pregnancy Advisory Service (BPAS), Birthrights and the Centre for Parenting Culture Studies. We tend to talk about contraception and abortion as if they were two separate and readily distinguishable practices, the former preventing pregnancy and the latter ending it. As a matter of biological fact, the development of human life is not characterised by bright lines. Further, while it might once have been suggested that implantation offers a conveniently timed moment for a necessary gear change between the appropriate regulation of contraception and abortion, this argument is difficult to sustain in the light of modern medical science. While significant work remains to be done in establishing the clinical safety, efficacy and acceptability of such treatments, there are good clinical reasons to pursue this work. It might be suggested, of course, that this is all for the good: that terminating even a very early pregnancy should be treated as a morally serious matter and one that is rightly subject to strict control. An archaic law, passed by a mid-Victorian Parliament within which women had no voice, is an indefensible basis for the regulation of health services that matter so intimately to modern women.
This new BPAS publication lays out the case for why we need to re-think Britain's abortion law. In this new book, David Paintin reflects on the legal debates leading up to the 1967 Abortion Act and its subsequent implementation, and Parliamentary attempts to undermine and restrict Britain’s abortion law in the 1970s and 1980s. The Department of Health statistics, published on 9 June, show that the abortion rate is stable, and more than half of women ending pregnancies are already mothers. More than half (54%) of women ending pregnancies had already given birth, up from 47% a decade ago. The vast majority of abortions are performed at under 13 weeks (92% in 2014), with a continuing increase in the proportion carried out under 10 weeks. The repeat abortion rate remains stable, with 37% of all abortions provided to women who have had a previous procedure.
Much work has been done to improve contraceptive services for younger women, and it is important to ensure older women have the same access to convenient, high quality services. The Department of Health report Abortion Statistics, England and Wales: 2014, can be found online here. The rise of the career woman abortion as teen terminations fall: Women in early 30s now more likely to have abortions. A new survey conducted for British Pregnancy Advisory Service has found that 48% of women would consider a once-a-month pill to stop development of early pregnancy. Currently available methods of contraception work either by preventing the sperm reaching the egg or by preventing a fertilised egg attaching to the lining of the womb. Other women might also wish to avoid taking medication continuously as they must do currently with a daily pill or hormonal long acting reversible contraceptive, like the implant or coil.
It is scientifically possible to create a once monthly pill that would detach any fertilised egg that had implanted in the lining of the womb.
Half of women would consider taking once-a-month contraceptive pill but abortion laws preventing development, say experts.
At the Lisbon 2014 summit, more than 70 advocates, service providers and academics from across the globe discussed how best to defend and advance women’s reproductive choices.
An online copy of Select Proceedings from the International Summit on Reproductive Choice is available in full here. A stimulating seminar series running through May and June at Oxford University, convened by Dr Kate Greasley and Professor Carol Sanger.
Difficulty obtaining swift treatment and support for severe and debilitating pregnancy sickness means some women feel they are left with no option but to end otherwise wanted pregnancies, the charities British Pregnancy Advisory Service (bpas) and Pregnancy Sickness Support (PSS) have warned. The two pregnancy charities have together surveyed more than 70 women in the UK who had experienced Hyperemesis Gravidarum and undergone abortion. However there are a number of treatments now available for severe pregnancy sickness, and clear guidance from NICE’s Clinical Knowledge Summaries on what can safely be offered to women which provides the reassurance healthcare professionals and women need. There is no medication that can completely alleviate symptoms for all women, and many women will know abortion is the right option for them when faced with an HG pregnancy. There remains a gap between policymakers' understanding of the causes and 'solutions' to unplanned pregnancy, and the reality of people's lives.
The 1972 National Health Services Reorganisation Bill included a clause that led to provision of free contraceptive advice and services by the NHS, from 1974 onwards. In order for women to plan their families with any degree of certainty, they need access both to effective methods of contraception, and to abortion. It is impossible to calculate precisely just how many pregnancies each year are accidental, or completely unplanned.
However, it is extremely difficult to draw a clear line between those pregnancies that are planned and those that are unplanned. An interesting paper by Sarah Earle in 2004 draws on interview data to develop four categories of pregnancy intention. Whether a woman continues her pregnancy to term or whether she ends it in abortion, her intentions about her pregnancy and her feelings about the pregnancy will often be far more subtle and ambiguous than policymakers often allow. If a woman who has never had a child frequently reads about the sub-fertility problems of others, and takes to heart the statistic that one couple in six experiences fertility problems, she may well suffer all manner of doubts and fears about her reproductive future. The ambiguous nature of pregnancy intentions is one possible reason why long-acting reversible methods of contraception (LARCs), such as the coil or the implant, are not demanded by all sexually-active women who wish to avoid pregnancy. Yet while this effectiveness is a bonus for women who are absolutely sure that they do not want a child, or another child, for at least five years, it might be a drawback for women who know they don’t want a baby right now, but do not want to make a decision that seems to reach so far into the future, and so completely removes the role of chance. In many cases, however, there is no doubt at all about the accidental character of a pregnancy. Despite modern contraception, better provision of sex education, and greater scientific knowledge about human reproduction, a number of factors combine to place women today at just as great a risk of unplanned pregnancy as previous generations.
Whereas for earlier generations sex was linked more to marriage and motherhood, it is now regarded by most of society as a legitimate form of recreational activity. It is no longer expected that women in their twenties should be either married and preparing to embark on family life, or on the look-out for a husband. Accidental pregnancy can also be a big problem for women who already have planned and wanted children.
Women might experience an accidental pregnancy shortly after the birth of a new baby, when they may be preoccupied with mothering and not yet settled into a new contraceptive regime. While a woman’s fertility level starts to decline from her mid-thirties, women can and do get pregnant right up until their menopause. In 2013, 8372 women aged 40 and over had abortions, including 686 women above the age of 45, and 24 women aged 50 and over. For all fertile women who are sexually active, accidental, unintended, or unplanned pregnancy is a risk.


Yet at the same time, the messy reality of life, relationships and decision-making means that women cannot, or do not always want to, plan a pregnancy with precision.
When a split condom, a missed pill, or a moment of carefree intimacy leads to an unplanned pregnancy, this can be experienced in a whole number of ways – from a personal disaster to a serendipitous opportunity. Luker’s research was with a group of people who had successfully shown that they knew how to use contraception in the past, yet had not used it to prevent the pregnancy they were currently experiencing.
Because when we change our language, we are changing our ideas, we are changing what we say. It was being perpetrated, not by skinheads with knives and bottles, but by liberal doctors, very like ourselves, motivated by (probably genuine) concern for the health and wellbeing of the community. Some of the doctors involved may have thought they were helping women who were powerless and uneducated and unable to take control of their lives. We benefit from a National Health Service that pays for abortion for almost all British residents.
There is no respect for a woman’s autonomy, or for her moral determination about what is right or wrong for her or her family. But this doesn’t really make sense, in anything other than a rhetorical fashion anyway.
That only privileged women are concerned with choice, and only privileged women can exercise choice. Making choices, and trying to make our choice a reality, is one thing that, as individuals, we all share. It was the product of an all-male parliament and was passed almost 60 years before the first women won the right to vote. It imposes a range of clinically unjustifiable restrictions on women seeking an abortion – most notably by requiring two doctors, rather than the pregnant woman herself, to decide if an abortion is justified. Neither are these provisions the best way of policing the boundaries of acceptable medical practice.
And while the moral beliefs of the minority should be respected in making decisions about their own healthcare, they should not dictate the shape of services for the majority. Most British people believe that, at least in these very early stages, it is up to the woman to decide whether or not to continue a pregnancy. Now it should recognise that they should equally have the right to make fundamental decisions about their own fertility.
The US sociologist Howard Becker wrote that moralisation is followed by policing, and a central aim of this event is to bring to light and assess the tension that exists between efforts to promote awareness of risk and the resultant policing of pregnancy, and the autonomy of pregnant woman. We are delighted to welcome Lynn Paltrow to open the Symposium, with a lecture on the policing of pregnant women in the US, which will discuss alcohol and other drugs.
A roundtable session will discuss how food intake has become a locus for policy making through elevated concerns about overweight and obesity, and the conference will end with a discussion about the ways in which women’s birth choices and experiences are increasingly heavily policed. The event is of interest to practitioners, advocates, academics, policy makers, journalists – and anyone else who is concerned about the expansion of risk thinking and its effects for the autonomy and choice-making ability of women. This understanding has a very important effect in current British law, where a relatively permissive approach to the availability of contraception stands in stark contrast to the morally grounded, onerous criminal sanctions against abortion. However, an issue of this significance to women’s reproductive health should be decided on the basis of democratic debate, informed by current medical understandings of reproductive biology and careful reflection on the moral significance of implantation in the process of embryonic and fetal development. That it should potentially operate, some one hundred and fifty years after its passage, to block the development and use of safe, effective, modern forms of fertility control provides a compelling argument for a fundamental review of this aspect of its operation. While it has served women well, its provisions are increasingly out of touch with the reality of women’s lives, and with best practice in abortion care. These may be very young women who hid their pregnancy, or perimenopausal women who did not suspect they were pregnant. This reflects the fact that anomalies cannot always be detected until later in pregnancy, and that women need time to make what is often a very difficult decision to end a much-wanted pregnancy. Without the ability to control their fertility, women would have not achieved the level of educational and workplace equality that younger generations can rightly take for granted.
Under the 1861 Offences Against the Person Act (OAPA), having or performing an abortion is a criminal offence that carries a lengthy jail sentence. Two thirds of people today say that abortion should be allowed according to a woman’s choice, compared to 37% in 1983. This paternalistic approach sits at odds with other clinical procedures, and with the equal status accorded to women in most other areas of life. This has not caused an increase in numbers or rates of abortion, and has provided a more constructive platform to consider how abortion can best be provided. Our aim here is to present a positive case for why we need regulation that meets women’s needs. Access to Early Medical Abortion, where pills are taken to induce a miscarriage, has played an important role in the numbers of women able to access early procedures. This rate is in keeping with those in comparable developed countries such as France and Sweden. Having done so much to improve contraceptive services for younger women, we must also ensure the needs of older women are met. However abortion laws, which in the UK strip a woman of any legal right to end a pregnancy from the moment of implantation, are preventing what would be an important and positive development in women’s reproductive healthcare.
Under British law, the moment of implantation is the legal boundary between contraception and abortion. For those who are not having regular sex, it may be preferable as it would need only be taken if they had had sex in that month.
This pill in principle could only be used if her period is late, so potentially could be taken just a couple of times a year. Many women don’t like taking daily pills, or find the side-effects of some of the long acting methods like the coil intolerable. Currently contraceptives can only prevent fertilised eggs from implanting, but do not work after implantation. This publication offers perspectives on thorny issues such as later abortion, fetal pain, sex selection and fetal anomaly. If you would like to receive a printed copy of the publication, please contact .(JavaScript must be enabled to view this email address) at Catholics for Choice. Nearly half of the women surveyed described difficulty obtaining appropriate medication, with specific treatments refused. As well as alleviating the suffering such sickness causes women, early treatment in the community may prevent sickness leading to serious illness and dehydration, which requires hospital admission. But no woman should be left for her symptoms to deteriorate to the point that she feels abortion is her only option in an otherwise wanted pregnancy, and any woman who wishes to try other treatments before terminating must be given the chance to do so. In 1967, the National Health Service Amendment (Family Planning) Act gave permission for Local Authority contraceptive provision to be expanded from medical grounds to social criteria and placed no restrictions on age or marital status.
And the 1967 Abortion Act made it legal to terminate her pregnancy, provided that two doctors agreed this was in the best interests of her mental or physical health.
Contraception alone has never been enough to allow women to control their fertility, and this remains the case today.
This focus on planning pregnancy with contraception is underlined by the Department of Health’s 2013 policy, A Framework for Sexual Health Improvement in England.
First, that unplanned, or unwanted, pregnancy is largely avoidable through the use of contraception.
When medical sociologist Anne Fleissig, in the 1980s, asked a number of women who had given birth six weeks previously about whether their pregnancy was planned, she found that 31 per cent of them were not.
When these unplanned pregnancies are considered as well, it suggests the real extent of accidental pregnancy is even higher.
The third National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (Natsal), published in 2013, analysed data from women of childbearing age between 2010 and 2012.
The average fertile couple trying for a child may take three or four months to conceive, and many couples go through a stage where they are not exactly planning to have a child now, but at the same time they are not exactly doing everything in their power to prevent it either.
Barrier methods are inherently less effective and if the couple has difficulty using them, and happens to be highly fertile it is quite possible that the pregnancy intended for three months hence arrives sooner than planned. For example what about the situation where one partner wants a child, but the other is reluctant? The frequent discussions about infertility in newspapers, women’s magazines and on television may lead some women to doubt their own ability to have a child when the time is right.
LARC methods are far more effective than the more popular methods such as the condom and the pill, and once inserted by a medical professional, will give protection against unintended pregnancy for three to five years. Women become pregnant in circumstances where they have absolutely no desire to conceive and have done absolutely everything possible to prevent conception.
We probably have sex more often, we may have a greater number of partners during our lives and our expectations of sex are different.
This point was underlined by Kaye Wellings and Anne Johnson, lead authors of the 2013 Natsal study. Unlike previous generations, who constantly feared pregnancy, women today expect to enjoy sex without consequences. Recent statistics suggest that around 1 in 5 women at the end of the childbearing years (born in 1967) are childless, compared with their mother’s generation (born in 1940), where 1 in 9 were childless. Another addition to the family may bring about emotional and financial pressures that are damaging to the couple and their existing children. Fertility can return within a few months of childbirth, particularly if the new mother is not breastfeeding.
An older woman with an unexpected pregnancy might mistake the absence of her periods for the start of menopausal symptoms and not identify the problem for months. But at the same time, the number of births to women over 40 has been increasing, following the trend towards later motherhood; and the percentage of conceptions leading to abortion has generally decreased for women aged 40 and over. We do not take the pill, use a condom, or have an IUD fitted because we want to engage in that activity in its own right but as a precaution: to allow us to enjoy sex without pregnancy.
Speaking at the BPAS annual lecture in 2010, Luker referred back to this research, looking at what has changed today. A common statistic used is that healthy women in a regular sexual relationship have an 80 per cent chance of pregnancy over the course of a year.


I witnessed this for the first time when I was living in east London about 30 years ago, in an area known as Tower Hamlets, which had a large Bangladeshi population.
There were no complicated instructions to confuse women who had low literacy skills, and controlling husbands didn’t need to know about it.
This question is posed starkly in the Republic of Ireland, where there will soon be a referendum that is likely to remove the constitutional ban on abortion.
Because different women make different decisions, even when they are in the same circumstances. Women know this, and they cope with it because this is the context of many decisions in life. Well, tell that to the Bangladeshi women in east London who were presumably seen as too underprivileged to appreciate the choice not to accept Depo-Provera.
When we acknowledge the importance of choice, it shows that we respect people for the individual, rational and reasonable creatures they are.
This was a time when the mere fact of publishing a book on contraception was reason enough for a woman to be deemed morally unsuitable as a mother and to have her child removed from her care.
Non-consensual, dangerous or negligent practice would be caught by the same mass of criminal, civil, administrative and disciplinary provisions that regulate other areas of medical practice. And we understand that women cannot participate equally in society unless we have the fundamental right to control our own fertility. For example, researchers have raised the possibility of developing treatments that a woman might potentially use on a planned schedule only once in each menstrual cycle, no matter how many prior coital acts she had had over that period. Where drugs potentially operate after implantation, offering or using them would be likely to constitute a serious criminal offence and, if such drugs could be offered at all, they would fall within the strict requirements of our abortion law. The current legal basis for distinguishing between contraception and abortion falls woefully short of meeting this test.
There are strong reproductive health arguments in favour of facilitating access to safe, effective technologies that operate at early gestational ages. Abortion cannot solve all the problems of gender inequality; but without the ability to exercise reproductive choice, all problems of inequality are made worse. This Victorian piece of legislation fossilises values well out of step with those cherished today. The legislation was crafted to regulate different clinical techniques, in a climate where the biggest threat to women’s health from abortion came from illegal, backstreet abortions.
Clinics are inspected by the Care Quality Commission (CQC), and healthcare workers are bound by their professional bodies, the General Medical Council (GMC) and the Nursing and Midwifery Council (NMC). We believe that the time has come to remove abortion from the criminal law, and to regulate the service according to standards of best clinical care. A small number of women will need access to services after 20 weeks (2%) due to later detection of pregnancy, dramatic changes in personal circumstances, or because a problem has been diagnosed with a wanted pregnancy. Given that women are fertile for more than 30 years, it is unsurprising that women may experience an unplanned pregnancy or a pregnancy they cannot carry to term on more than one occasion.
Therefore any medication which would stop the development of a pregnancy after implantation had occurred would be classed as an abortifacient and restricted in line with current abortion laws. In particular, women reported being denied some of the more effective treatments because of concerns about cost but also the impact on the foetus, even though there is a broad body of evidence indicating these treatments are safe. An analysis by BPAS in 2014 found that two thirds (66%) of women receiving care at its clinics reported using a form of contraception when they conceived. She concluded in a paper subsequently published in the British Medical Journal that almost a third of births could be the consequence of accidental pregnancies. For example, in 2013 there were 185,331 abortions in England and Wales, and many (though not all) of these will be to women whose pregnancies were unintended. Natsal found that only 16.2% of pregnancies experienced in the past year were completely unplanned, and just over half were planned. Even if a couple settles into a stable heterosexual relationship and achieves a secure income and a decent home, it is still considered normal and appropriate for them to defer children until their late twenties or early thirties. A woman struggling to cope with young children may find that organising her own contraception is the one job that drops from her busy agenda.
The woman may be distressed by the knowledge that the child will have a far greater statistical risk of disability. Again, policy-makers often miss the extent to which women in their early forties are not only fertile – they might actively want to be pregnant.
Our lives are organised to incorporate sex for enjoyment and emotional satisfaction and it is seen as quite normal that we should wish to suppress our fertility. We weigh up the pros and cons – the hassle of using a contraceptive appropriately is balanced against the fear of becoming pregnant.
One thing that has remained constant in 35 years is that, despite developments in contraceptive technology, information, and provision, individuals and couples still perceive a range of costs to contraceptive use. This was a time when there was a significant level of racist attacks, and I was one of the organisers of a group called East London Workers Against Racism. The main problem was that in the desire to get women to do what the reproductive-health doctors thought best for them, little attention was paid to making sure the women knew exactly what the injections were for.
The law works to protect reproductive health, but it denies women the ability to make their own choices.
Tell that to the abused woman who has chosen to leave her husband, or indeed the one who chooses to stay for the sake of her children.
What you may not know is that abortion is still potentially punishable by life imprisonment.
Sexual health policy supports the provision of abortion, and 98% of abortions are funded by the National Health Service. Abortions may be requested when a relationship has broken down, an existing child has become seriously ill, or a fetal anomaly has been detected. Healthcare teams work to detailed evidence-based guidance produced by the eminent Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (RCOG). From 1963-91, based at St Mary’s Hospital Medical School, he organised the teaching of medical students and, as an honorary consultant, provided NHS services for Paddington and North Kensington. Any woman who tries to end a pregnancy at any gestation without meeting the exemptions set out by the 1967 Abortion Act commits a criminal offence and can be imprisoned for 12 years. For more information contact .(JavaScript must be enabled to view this email address), or see the Facebook page. This suggests that nearly 60 years on from the Thalidomide disaster, some doctors remain hesitant about offering pregnant women medication, and women in turn anxious about whether such drugs are safe in pregnancy.
This finding comes as no surprise: as discussed below, contraceptive failure has always been an important factor in why women need to seek abortion. She may always insist that she conceived unintentionally, never admitting that she took chances that she would not have taken had she been committed to avoiding pregnancy. A woman may be embarrassed to admit that a pregnancy is accidental in case she is thought to be stupid, or it confers some kind of stigma on her future child.
This simple fact means that we may risk accidental pregnancies more than previous generations simply because our active sex life extends over a longer period of time than that of our parents and grandparents. And all the time that they are deferring a deliberate pregnancy they have the chance of an accidental one. Any disincentives to use a method, whether it be the problem of obtaining it or unhappiness with the way a method makes us feel all help tip the balance against effective contraceptive usage. We helped to organise community defence against physical attacks by activists from the far-right National Front. And it gradually emerged that many of these women, given long-acting injectable contraception, thought that they were receiving vitamins or being immunised against disease. Two doctors must certify that she meets the legal grounds for abortion, which are that the abortion will be better for her health than having a child would be, or that there is a substantial risk of serious birth defects. Because sometimes, knowing that you personally have made a decision is what gives you the courage to follow it through. And that we trust them, not in an empty, rhetorical way, but because we see them as individuals who can make decisions, take responsibility, and determine their destinies. A further possibility might be to limit the use of drugs to a few times a year, when a woman’s menstrual period is late. Women may need time following a later diagnosis to make the decision that is right for them. He joined the Abortion Law Reform Association (ALRA) in 1963, and was one of the gynaecologists who advised Lord Silkin and David Steel, now Lord Steel of Aikwood, during the parliamentary debates that resulted in the 1967 Abortion Act. Yet as long as they are having sex, they have a chance of becoming pregnant – which may be increased if they have relied on the pill for contraception and the woman has now been advised to change, because of her age, to a new and unfamiliar method. The law is interpreted liberally, but still, granting an abortion is in the doctor’s gift. And, crucially, if she doesn’t make the decision, how can she take responsibility for it? Some women deserted by their partners may hate the idea of their baby; others will see the baby as a legacy of the love two people once shared. It is tempting, especially for an expectant mother, to say that any risk, however small or theoretical, is too great. He was chairman of the Birth Control Trust (1981-98), and a trustee of Pregnancy Advisory Service (1981-96) and British Pregnancy Advisory Service (1996-2003). Sometimes these manoeuvres are quite conscious and deliberate; at other times they are not. In effect, women can only obtain an abortion by claiming that they can’t cope with a child. Everything about light drinking during pregnancy makes it the kind of theoretical risk that Americans are unlikely to evaluate sensibly.




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