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Independent college tuition, fees, and room and board have been stable, when adjusted for inflation and financial aid awards, for the last decade. Despite recent reporting on the topic, mandatory fees charged to undergraduates at Ohio State University and four other Ohio public main campuses have gone up faster than their legislatively capped tuition. The patterns of increases in undergraduate tuition and fees at Ohio's public and independent colleges have varied markedly over the recent past, especially as legislative caps on public campuses change. In just three years, state policy changes have led to the out-of-pocket cost for the state's neediest students of attending an Ohio public university to nearly quadruple.
Ohio's independent colleges held the line on tuition increases this year, compared to their peers in the Midwest region.
While business officers at independent nonprofit colleges and universities worry about whether students will come and can afford to attend, at for-profit colleges the key concern is availability of tax money to support their businesses.
By redistributing its higher education funds to limit public-campus tuition increases and simulataneously slash need-based aid, the state of Ohio more than tripled the out-of-pocket tuition at the public baccalaureate campuses for its poorest citizens. A major new study of graduations at public colleges and universities a€” including Ohioa€™s a€” offers further evidence of targeting student aid rather than tuition level in helping needy students complete their degrees. Although there are regional differences, the inflation rate of goods and services bought by colleges and universities for 2008-09 was half that of the previous year.
Broad-scale misunderstanding about higher education costs is one of the key problems colleges and universities face. Out-of-state students could see cost increases for the 2014-15 academic year as the surcharge for non-Ohio residents has been proposed to increase 5 percent, pending approval at Friday’s Board of Trustees meeting.
The tuition proposals were introduced at Thursday’s Financial Committee meeting, during which they were approved by that body. Some course-based and technology fees will also see some increases, OSU chief financial officer Geoff Chatas said. For the 2013-14 academic year, in-state tuition was set at $10,010 while out-of-state tuition was at $25,726, according to the OSU tuition and fees website.
Although a tuition freeze was enacted for in-state undergraduate students for the 2013-14 school year, non-resident tuition rose 2 percent.
Trustee Michael Gasser, who is also the chair of the committee, praised the proposal but also suggested the recent trend of tuition freezes needs to be re-examined in coming years so the university doesn’t see a drop-off in the quality of its services. An earlier version of this article incorrectly stated that a 5 percent increase on the non-resident surcharge would amount to $1,286, which is 5 percent of the non-resident total tuition.
One thing they don’t mention to out-of-state students is that the scholarships remain frozen, but there will be annual tuition hikes. Transferring is a terrible option, as bad as the BOT burdening the its out of state students with the entire increase. This, on top of the unchecked violent crime on campus, will surely put a damper on out-of-state students.
Another very messed-up aspect of this: people living illegally in Ohio (and because of that illegal status, probably having paid little in taxes) can get in-state tuition, as the school jacks already-high tuition for fellow Americans who are law-abiding. Deregulation in other states has not made tuition more affordable, increased access for low-income students, or increased graduation rates.
This proposal, like similar models in other states, is based on the idea that (1) cost savings ensue from deregulation of university management, (2) university administrators respond to these hypothetical savings by committing to expanding college enrollment and graduation, tuition affordability, and closing higher education gaps, and (3) such commitments can reverse or alter decades of performance. We want to make clear at the outset that the most important factor in access, enrollment, completion, tuition cost and affordability for low and moderate-income students is not management structure. Our analysis suggests that deregulation does not increase college completion, make college affordable, or close the higher education gap. Public universities and colleges in Ohio helped to dramatically increase higher education levels over the twentieth century. The state continues to slash fiscal support for higher education and need-based financial aid. Growing demand for higher education coincides with sharp declines in state support for public colleges and universities, across the nation and in Ohio.
Tuition is high. Public colleges and universities have responded to sharp reductions in state allocations by increasing tuition and fees. There is an education gap.  An Ohio wishing to boost post-secondary attainment cannot discourage low and moderate-income students, from pursuing college. The Enterprise University Plan departed from the centralization strategy of the prior administration and proposed to substantially reduce public control over the university system.
Universities would be allowed to set differential tuition based on academic program, facility and space concerns. At present the state Attorney General’s Office oversees legal matters of over $100,000; Universities would be allowed to handle matters of up to $300,000, depending on tier. Expanded university authority over construction, procurement, and real estate development and finance. Real estate could be bought and sold with limited or no oversight from the state, depending on level of independence. In exchange for this new authority, Ohio’s public colleges and universities would accept less in allocations and be required to invest a portion of State Share of Investment – the funding that supports classroom teaching – into merit-based aid programs to be developed by the Ohio Board of Regents. A central question in evaluating changes to higher education is whether the approach boosts or diminishes higher education opportunities, especially for students of modest means. States have multiple ways of responding to financial constraints and growing demand for higher education. At heart, the approach is structural in nature, based on the belief that changing the structure of higher education can change outcomes.
The higher education changes described in Figure 2 began in the mid-1990s, when states like New Jersey and Connecticut began reducing public control over matters like internal governance, hiring and promotion, academic programs, tuition revenue, some aspects of spending, and some competitive bidding. Caution began to give way by the end of the decade, when certain states began exploring new exemptions from statutory regulations and administrative controls. Ohio’s Enterprise University Plan shares many features with Virginia’s 2005 Restructuring Act.[24] Among other similarities, the Virginia model hands over to universities control of real estate purchasing under $5 million, heightens university authority over tuition rates, and exempts universities from state rules around procurement, construction, and personnel.
Pilot programs: Connecticut and Virginia established new programs, but on a time-limited, ‘pilot’ basis that allowed for discontinuation.
Renewal periods: Virginia limits agreements with “covered institutions” to three years initially and five years subsequently. Labor protections: Maryland sought to protect the workforce through collective bargaining statutes pertaining to the new public corporations.
Performance contracts and expectations: Colorado, Maryland, and Virginia make affordability and under-represented student access, retention, and achievement explicit commitments for universities.
In summary, states that have reduced public control to universities or university systems have often considered or implemented requirements around affordability and accessibility.
Higher education outcomes depend on many factors, including public policies, but also including broader social and economic characteristics that vary by state.
We compared trends on various measures tracking student enrollment and completion, affordability, and low-income student access across three categories of higher education management. Our analysis compares long-term trends in these categories to national trends on measures of student affordability, access, enrollment and completion. Our analysis suggests that all deregulated approaches lag national averages in controlling tuition inflation and in providing access to low-income students. Outcomes are at the heart of higher education policy: are more people able to come to college and to attain a degree? Over the period 1997-2008, enrollment overall grew in the nation and in all three higher education categories analyzed, although it is important to note that the highly deregulated schools underwent the change to that management structure only in 2004 and 2005.
Figure 5 shows that enrollment has grown substantially across all management structures both between 2000 and 2004 and between 2004 and 2008. Figure 6 shows that across all management structures, graduation rates failed to keep pace with enrollment rates shown in Figure 5 above. While this paper has largely focused on outcomes under different management structures, it is worth noting that all public university systems are doing a poor job of helping enrollees complete their studies and emerge with a bachelor’s degree.
There are many differences among these states and little reason to think that higher education management structure is the key variable. Governor Kasich, like many Ohio governors before him, has said that substantial growth in the number of college graduates is a top priority.[31] Yet, as illustrated in Figure 1, success in access and attainment is highly correlated with family income.
At the same time, the evidence in Figure 8 shows that, nationally, low-income students are eager to enter college. States have different capacities for incorporating low-income students in public colleges and universities. When the economy is weaker, more families become eligible for assistance, so the percentage of students eligible for Pell grants has climbed in every management structure since the 2007 recession. Student demand for postsecondary education is growing at a time of decreasing state fiscal support. Of all the categories, the coordinated category invests the greatest dollar amount in higher education funding, and the highly deregulated category by far the least. Declining state fiscal support leaves universities with budget shortfalls most readily filled by tuition.
Across the less-regulated higher education systems, tuition at four-year institutions has grown to a staggering degree and increases have accelerated over the two decades examined. Ohio’s tuition is high relative to the nation but tuition freezes and caps have moderated growth in the present decade compared to states with deregulated management systems. High tuition inflation is a problem in all American universities, and worse in the less regulated higher education systems included in this report. High tuition makes it hard for students to finish college, especially for students trying to enter or stay in the middle class.
Today, fewer low-income (Pell eligible) students receive state grants to complement federal assistance than students did in 2000, despite rising costs.
Ohio provided need-based aid to more eligible students in the year 2000, helping nearly 83 percent of those who needed assistance.
The combination of cuts to instructional aid, steep tuition increases, and stagnant and inconsistent need-based financial aid go against the goal of affordability, for obvious reasons. Ohio’s governor and chancellor have presented a deregulated approach to university management.

Deregulated higher education systems have higher tuition and more tuition inflation than the nation, and the problem is the worst in Virginia and Colorado, states with the highest degree of deregulation.
Enrollment among low-income students has risen in states with deregulated systems, but remains lower than in the nation as a whole. Experiences in other states can help Ohio lawmakers and citizens decide how best to proceed on higher education.
Reducing public control of Ohio’s higher education system through deregulation, decentralization, and privatization is not the best policy option for solving our higher education problems.
Commit to need-based aid. Shockingly, Ohio’s need-based aid is at the same dollar amount as in 1993, not adjusted for inflation. Coordination. Coordinated systems have better student completion than the nation as a whole and higher rates of improvement in this area over the past decade.
The Enterprise University Plan for Ohio proposed deep changes for higher education that lost sight of low- and moderate-income students in a way that is out of step with Ohio’s own goals, labor force needs, and understanding of higher education as a pathway to the middle class. COLUMBUS, Ohio - The president of Ohio State University says it's not possible to freeze tuition for out-of-state students at the moment but the university can help those students with scholarships.Gordon Gee says in-state students are Ohio State's first priority because the university belongs to the state.
The news release says the plan would require an initial investment from the state, but the fund would eventually become entirely self-supporting. According to the Associated Press, lawmakers passed similar legislation in Oregon earlier this month, which is expected to be signed by Gov. UPDATEDHeroin overdoses this week top 60 in CincinnatiHeroin overdoses this week top 60 in CincinnatiPolice in the Cincinnati area say a surge in heroin overdoses has topped 60 cases this week. While net cost of attendance has no measurable effect in the graduation rates of well-off students seeking bachelora€™s degrees in the public sector, it has a major, statistically significant effect on those with the least ability to pay and the greatest need for financial aid. Although it will be a burden to pay more this coming year I love OSU and don’t want to leave it.
Public support for universities and funding for need-based aid, not management structure, are the key factors that lead to lower tuition and more access.
Ohio’s relatively low share of residents with college degrees has concerned one governor after the other and proposals for managing our university system have differed substantially. This paper examines different educational management models to assess the validity of those assumptions. On the contrary, the way to increase enrollment and completion, particularly for those from modest backgrounds, is to provide high levels of funding to higher education and target it to need-based aid. In many cases, deregulated states seem to perform worse than the nation on many indicators of accessible and affordable higher education.
States may appreciate deregulated higher education because, like other forms of privatization, it reduces support, responsibility and oversight. They have given Ohio employers skilled professionals, provided a pathway to the middle class for Ohio students, and provided Ohio businesses with cutting-edge research.
In 1991, Ohio dedicated $7.03 of every $1,000 in state personal income to higher education. Ohio’s public four-year institutions are the third most expensive in the nation relative to family income; our public two-years are the fifth most expensive. Rhodes established the Ohio Board of Regents as a state coordinating board in 1963 with the mission of devising a master plan for higher education.
This approach, first promoted in the late 1980s by conservative think tanks like the Pioneer Foundation, advocated for deregulation, decentralization, and privatization of management and funding. Reinvestment into merit-based programs was the primary required action specified in the plan; there was no mention of additional performance targets. Since the 1990s, several states have experimented with aspects of the approach, allowing us to examine how well similar models in other states have helped resolve the sorts of challenges facing Ohio. As mentioned earlier, the management model is not the key variable in whether college is affordable or in whether students from modest backgrounds attend and finish. Deregulated higher education policies alter the governance structures of higher education, state coordinating boards or governing boards, by re-balancing notions of public and university control and changing the degree of coordination and interconnection across institutions. Sometimes reduced public control was structured as a pilot program or made part of time-limited project management.[18] Recognizing the experimental nature of such policies, some states proceeded with caution and restraint as they deregulated public higher education.
In Maryland, for instance, the state made the whole university system a public corporation in 1999.
However, state controls and state-mandated performance targeting are important components of Virginia’s 2005 Act – as they were in virtually all other state attempts at higher education restructuring in the 2000s.
UCONN 2000, for instance, gave the University of Connecticut free rein over capital project management but restricted such freedom to ten years and $1 billion, with extensions needing to be reauthorized. Virginia also mandated that universities solicit employee input as part of its offer of state deregulation. We sought to determine whether higher education systems with deregulated management structures out-performed their historical records or the nation on measures like enrollment, completion, tuition inflation, low-income student enrollment, and amount of family income needed for college.
Our categories build on the American Council on Education (ACE) categories but we simplify and regroup slightly because of changes since 2004. Our aim is to consider higher education outcomes after policy change, as well as to make observations about the highly deregulated model, the category to which Ohio would belong if it passed the Enterprise University Plan.
In some important categories the coordinated approach has seen success: in particular, coordinated systems have out-performed national averages in enrollment and completion, probably more because of level of state investment than because of management structure.
The highly deregulated and partially regulated categories had lower enrollment growth than the nation, both before and after the management structure changes.
Graduation rates don’t differ significantly by management model but are best in the highly deregulated systems, with some caveats.
Growth was generally stronger over the earlier period, and of the four management structures, partially deregulated systems had the strongest overall growth, 19.3 percent over the combined eight-year period. Ohio’s enrollment growth also lagged national averages over the whole decade, but was stronger in the second half of the period.
We left the scale the same so that readers could see how much lower 6-year bachelor’s degree completion growth was than enrollment over the periods.
Enrollment grew substantially over the eight-year period but completion grew much more slowly. However, it is clear that deregulating higher education does not dramatically solve problems in enrollment and completion. Students of middle and low-income families are much less likely to enroll in college than their wealthier peers. Over the past 40 years, growth in enrollment has been strongest in the bottom two income quartiles, and the growth in the lowest income quartile has accelerated sharply in the past five years. Low-income student enrollment, as measured by the percentage of Pell Grant recipients among undergraduates, has been growing. Figure 9 illustrates the trends for low-income student enrollment between 1995-96 and 2009-10 across the four categories, with the caveat that the changes to the highly deregulated systems – designated by markers in the data series – were only in the latter years of this analysis. The timing of this larger decline in Virginia may suggest some relationship to the 2005 Act to restructure higher education and associated tuition hikes and cuts in state support to higher education (discussed in next section). This is an opportunity for states to sustain the momentum and try to ensure successful college completions among low-income students.
The highly deregulated systems were allocating a paltry $3.79 per 1,000 of state personal income to higher education.
As mentioned, it is this difference in financial support that is likely at the root of the greater success of coordinated systems and the weaker performance of highly deregulated systems in terms of skyrocketing tuition and in terms of growth in student completion. As tuition rises, college-bound students turn to private savings, jobs, or loans to cover the rising cost.
Since 2000 tuition has skyrocketed across all management structures and from flagship universities to community colleges, as Figure 9 shows. In inflation-adjusted dollars, tuition increased the most sharply – by nearly 90 percent – in highly deregulated flagship schools, in partially regulated flagships (82.7 percent), and in partially regulated four-year state schools (84 percent), in just ten years, between 2000 and 2009. In states like Virginia and Texas, restructuring policies have been motivated partly by the desire to allow universities to increase tuition.
This astronomical tuition inflation coincides with the steep dip in state commitments to higher education funding, especially in highly deregulated states.
The recent trends in higher education funding make it even harder, not only because of cuts and corresponding tuition hikes but because of need-based financial aid is unreliable and hasn’t kept up with tuition growth.
Institutions in the coordinated systems provide the most need-based grant coverage – about 45 percent of students who are eligible for federal Pell Grants also get state help in coordinated systems, compared to just 28 percent of such students in the nation as a whole.
They also have the lowest percentage of low-income students, so can afford to give aid to more of them. Unfortunately, that portion has plunged, and in the most recent year for which we have data we were helping fewer than 20 percent of the students eligible for Pell grants.
Tuition hikes affect all students, but of course they affect low- and moderate-income students more. The three factors together – our high price for four-year state schools, our relatively low state income, and our plunging support to need based aid – add up to a formula that keeps many moderate and low-income students from getting higher education in Ohio.
Neglecting affordability runs contrary to our interest in broadening higher educational attainment. Given the track record of deregulation in other states, we have little reason to think that this approach will make tuition more affordable, increase access for low- and moderate-income students, or increase graduation rates.
The tuition burden on low-income families is high almost everywhere and even worse in less regulated systems. If we want more low-income enrollment, we need to provide funding and require universities to address this issue.
States with coordinated systems have higher rates of improvement in college completion than other models, including the control group (national average).
Ohio has lower than average higher education attainment, high tuition, a gutted system of need-based financial aid, and lower than average enrollment growth.
Through things like differentiated missions, consistent degree standards, and easy transfer policies, it appears that coordinated university systems are able to support students in ways that facilitate student success.
Ohio is considered a leader in performance funding, a related concept.[40] Performance targets in states like Maryland, Virginia, and Colorado are meant to enroll low-income students, address lack of affordability of higher education, and ensure better labor practices.

Ohio’s future depends on an excellent higher education system capable of preparing Ohioans to participate in the economy and community. We considered three levels of deregulation and examined how states that have embraced those approaches have done in terms of student enrollment and completion, affordability, and low-income student access. Gee also says Ohio State is doing all it can to be competitive for both in-state and out-of-state students.
Instead, graduates would pay three percent of their income for 24 years to pay for the costs of their education and to fund the program for the benefit of future students.
The second part is if they don't finish, they only pay a percentage of what they have done.
John Kitzhaber, for a pilot project to be explored and then considered by the 2015 Legislature. However, because deregulation has been presented as a model for Ohio, this paper examines how deregulation has correlated with access, achievement and affordability in other states. University administrations may see opportunities to raise revenues through real estate deals, parking arrangements, subcontracting, reducing staff compensation, and changing other employment relationships. They are a crucial public institution that has greatly enriched the state and will only increase in importance in the coming decades. Students from poor and middle-class families are much less likely to finish higher education of any kind, as Figure 1 shows – nearly 8 of 10 students from families in the top fourth (earning above about $100,000 a year) finish college, while just a third of upper-middle income students and fewer than one in six lower-middle and poor students complete their bachelor’s degree. In practice, Ohio’s public universities, with their own boards of trustees answering to a Board of Regents outside of the Governor’s cabinet, maintained a relatively high degree of independence,[13] affected over time by legislation imposing tuition caps, enrollment caps, state oversight of student housing, two-year campus service districts, and new processes to oversee creation of academic programs.[14]  Under Governor Ted Strickland, the Chancellor of Education was brought into the Governor’s cabinet for the first time, and higher education was formally assembled into the University System of Ohio to coordinate programs and foster transferability of credits among member institutions. The plan proposed exemptions from some statutory controls for all 14 public universities, as well as a tiered approach allowing for differing levels of university control in a variety of areas. The plan spoke to the importance of affordability and completion on the first page, yet proposed no need-based aid.
Many states have moved toward semi-private, deregulated public higher education models in the past 20 years, several in very recent years.
With that, the university was re-designated as a corporation under Maryland law with full liability, operating largely outside state procurement and personnel procedures.
Performance targets (sometimes tied to funding)[25] set institutional or university system goals related to student retention and graduation, academic quality, research, affordability, and sometimes economic development.[26] States include these performance targets as part of higher education restructuring with the understanding that reductions in public control may result in university decisions out of step with state policy goals. Requirements of this sort are essential to any management structure but are particularly crucial in the less accountable, deregulated approaches.
We report on that here, with the clear caveat that other factors matter much more than management structure. Coordinated systems offer more state aid to Pell Grant recipients than the other three categories, and take a slightly lower share of low-income family earnings to support a student at a four-year institution. Two trends are relevant: trends overall and trends among low-income students, the group that offers the largest growth potential in college participation (analyzed in next section). However, enrollment trends diverge across states within categories, suggesting no simple connection between enrollment rates and higher education structure. Graduation rates started out slightly higher in the highly deregulated systems when these systems were still under a more traditional management structure. Nonetheless, completion did grow slightly over all management structures, with by far the strongest performance coming from the coordinated management systems.
All public university systems need to determine how to better assist their students in successfully completing bachelor’s degree programs. Researchers should continue to explore whether certain properties of coordinated higher education systems have a hand in facilitating the better record on graduation.
As Figure 6 highlights, low-income students have the most potential for increasing higher education levels. In the nation, 37.8 percent of undergraduates at public four-year institutions were Pell Grant recipients in 2009-10. More Ohio students need – and get – Pell grants than in any of the other management systems on average, illustrating the importance of this federal aid to increasing Ohio college participation and completion rates. Ohio had a slightly higher share of Pell Grant Recipients attending public, four-year institutions than the nation throughout the decade, but a much higher share than in some of the deregulated states. This can leave students in debt and can make it difficult to finish school, especially given the long-term decline in the value of the minimum wage. This raises questions about the assumptions underlying deregulation – that it will rein in costs and curb tuition inflation. While low-income student participation in public colleges and universities has been growing, federal and state policies have cut need-based financial aid since 2000, after a brief spike. Performance targeting may also play a role, in that universities are responding to goals established by legislators as part of the deregulation process. The share of bottom quintile family income needed for four-year college is staggering, as revealed in Table 3. Researchers from the University of Michigan found that the imbalance between rich and poor students in college completion has grown by about 50 percent since the 1980s.[39] We have to make college more affordable if low and moderate-income students are to gain the credentials needed for middle-class jobs that make regions strong.
The primary factor affecting access and affordability is state support for higher education and state targeting of support for low- and moderate-income families. This likely has more to do with funding trends than with management structures, but we suggest further research to understand the coordinated systems’ success in these areas.
Six-year graduation rates among students studying for their bachelor’s degree lag the nation.  We also boast some strengths, including a relatively high proportion of low-income students enrolled in public colleges and universities and a slightly higher growth in college completion rates than the nation over the past decade (although growth slowed precipitously in the second half). Ohio could commit to higher education funding at least to the same level as the average state. Some states, like Virginia, accompanied deregulation with increases in commitment to need-based aid.
Ohio should explore what makes these systems work and consider the implications for our system. It is essential that Ohio citizens maintain control over Ohio’s higher education institutions.
Exempts universities from statutory administrative and fiscal procedure concerning personnel, procurement, construction, and real estate. Private contractors and the business community may favor these arrangements because there are lucrative possibilities for contracts, real estate deals and other arrangements. With economic change, employers, individuals, and state governments increasingly look to colleges and universities to create a pathway from high school to work across many occupations and fields.[2] Ohio and the United States more generally have seen stark drops in job quality and job availability for students with just a high school degree.
In comparison to plans in other states, this approach would have dramatically reduced public control over and regulation of the university system. Restraint or reduction in tuition was one of nine factors – seven of which must be fulfilled – considered if a university was to be awarded the highest level of independence under the Enterprise University Plan. This is the only specific detail about affordability provided. After 2000, other states built on the decentralization model associated with New Jersey by lessening the statewide coordination of public colleges and universities and reducing public control. Institutions examined in this category had higher levels of public investment in the base year of 1990. Because the highly deregulated systems were deregulated in 2004 and 2005, the blue part of the bar is less relevant for assessing this management approach and performance after deregulation lagged the earlier period. The deregulation of the highly deregulated systems took place in 2004 and 2005; over that short time the tuition increases were steep. Obviously the main factor affecting need-based aid is how much need-based aid the state legislature provides or mandates, not the management structure.
The biggest factor affecting aid is not the management structure but the state requirements and assistance. Long-term data are unavailable, but between 2007 and 2009, across all groups, college costs increased as a share of low-income family income. If Ohio wants to increase its college attainment levels, it is essential that we commit to helping low-income students afford tuition. Jacob Larosa,  now 17 years old, was set to go on trial in September for the 2015 murder of 94-year-old Marie BelcastroMore >>Attorneys representing a Niles teenager accused of killing his elderly neighbor say they need more time to prepare for trial. But the point of the system is not to serve the needs of legislators, administrators or contractors – it is to educate students. Such shifts have meant that higher education is becoming a prerequisite for even a modest middle class occupation. It would have explicitly reduced the state’s financial obligation while relaxing oversight of assets, governance, finance, and legal conventions. Although such investment decreased as a share of personal income over twenty years, it remains higher in coordinated states than in the other three categories.
Essentially all management systems fail to graduate between one-third and one half of the students who enroll. Still the highest tuition is in the partially regulated flagship schools and state schools. Low-income families would have to spend between 45 and 69 percent of their entire family income to send one child to a four-year institution, including room and board, an insurmountable hurdle for many and in Ohio, it’s even worse – Table 3 shows that Ohio is an outlier, requiring a whopping 77.1 percent of family income to send a student to a four-year state university. Students, families, employers and taxpayers need a vibrant higher education system capable of delivering affordable academic programs that connect to the 21st century economy.
Highly deregulated systems have in the last decade shown the worst performance in tuition affordability. Ohio’s six-year graduation rate among students seeking a bachelor’s degree lags the nation, as the gray line shows.
More >>A man has pleaded guilty to fatally shooting an Ohio police dog after robbing a grocery store and has been sentenced to 45 years behind bars.More >>Piano prodigy brings new musical sound to Warren G.
These systems have seen growing overall and low-income enrollment, but less student completion. Harding bandA new high school football season is bringing a new musical opportunity for a piano prodigy from Warren.

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