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Rattled by political turmoil and in the midst of severe stagflation, Brazil is really ‘playing with fire’.
Brazil is no longer a star performer in the emerging world, in which the economy is slowing down and falling into an abyss. During the last few years Brazil has been perceived as a star on the wane but very few imagined the situation could worsen to the point we are at today. First, after a successful macroeconomic stabilisation in the second half of the 1990s, Brazil is back to square one, with a mismanaged macroeconomic environment.
Brazil is currently under a very difficult situation of stagflation, with inflation standing at 9.53% yoy in August 2015. Since its peak growth in 2010, the Brazilian economy has done nothing but decelerate, entering negative territory in 2014.
Falling commodity prices, a slower demand from China and the potential Fed rate-hike together have played a key part in determining Brazil’s economic scenario.
Brazil has enjoyed a honeymoon in export growth since the commodity boom and the strong growth in China since 2001. The most direct impact of the Fed rate hike to Brazil is the depreciation of the real against the dollar. Dutch disease is no stranger to Latin American economies given their commodity dependence. Having a massive landlocked area with poor infrastructure is one of Brazil’s key bottlenecks for economic development. Brazil has increased its investment in education over the past decade and it is now one of the top spenders on education in terms of GDP.
Brazil has a large public sector in which salaries and pensions make up the bulk of government spending.
Not only large state-owned companies have clear governance issues, Petrobras and the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES) being good examples, but the increasing share of credit that the state controls is also worrying.
Petrobras, Brazil’s largest company, accounting for more than 10% of the country’s investment, is currently at the centre of governance scandals. Since her re-election, Brazil’s President Dilma Rousseff has been struggling with a loss of public support and the inability to get reforms through Congress. Rousseff has seen her approval ratings hitting 8% in opinion polls, the lowest for any administration since 1990. Rousseff has brought Joaquim Levy back to the government as Finance Minister due to his well-known ability to cut public spending.
The corruption scandal has led to cracks appearing in Rousseff’s coalition, in which the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB) is the key supporter of the ruling Workers’ Party (PT). At such a difficult political juncture, a US$17 billion austerity package has recently frozen salaries, eliminated 10 out of 39 Ministries, cut 1,000 jobs and reduced social benefits. To make things worse, Brazil’s top electoral court agreed to investigate Rousseff on allegations of illegal funding of her most recent re-election campaign. To solve the problems generated by internal and external pressure, Brazil must control its fiscal deficit and inflation in the short term, undertake structural reforms in the economy and regain its regional influence.
First, its fiscal condition needs to be improved to prevent further sovereign credit-rating downgrades. Secondly, an unremitting effort to push through structural reforms is necessary to bring the economy back on track. Over and above the very weak economic situation, it is political instability that is paralysing the Brazilian economy. The question of whether Roussef’s impeachment might result in a better outcome for Brazil remains doubtful.
Protests in both countries have been led by the middle class, the very people who have benefited from the reforms and the education and economic gains. These two South American countries have historically had little in common beyond a shared continent and high levels of inequality. Brazil, the largest country in Latin America and the fifth largest in the world, is a racially, ethnically, and geographically diverse federal democracy, with more than 190 million citizens who live in 27 states. Over the past few decades, education reforms in Brazil and Chile have been widely celebrated as successful, and most students are much better-off than their predecessors were 15 years ago.
In the mid-1990s, Brazil and Chile were by all standards poor nations with low-quality schooling systems. Chile had a poorly designed, unfettered universal school-choice program with a flat voucher that was not adjusted for a student’s socioeconomic characteristics.
Neither schooling system made test scores available to principals and teachers or to parents and the public, and schools were not held accountable for their performance. Since the early to mid-1990s, Brazil and Chile have introduced a number of aggressive education reforms.
Students from public schools walk by the San Inacio private school in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The second strategy was to introduce test-based incentives, which included regular testing of 4th-, 8th-, and 10th-grade students, and making the results, aggregated to the school level, public and understandable to different stakeholders (parents, teachers, principals, media, researchers).
The Chilean government began to rank all publicly funded (public and private-voucher) schools into three categories based on student performance and other outcomes measured over time, adjusting for students’ background characteristics. While more studies need to be conducted, preliminary research has found that improvements to the voucher program combined with the test-based accountability policies provided schools in Chile with incentives to operate more efficiently.
Both Brazil and Chile introduced more transparent and competitive principal hiring processes, newly based on merit rather than political connections.
The emphasis on student assessment, performance accountability incentives, and more transparent hiring and evaluation of school leaders and teachers in Brazil and Chile over the last 15 years has increased pressure on schools to improve outcomes. Children return home after attending school in Xapuri,in the northern Brazilian state of Acra. In less than two decades, Chile rose from its position as the country with the seventh highest income in Latin America to the wealthiest nation in the region.
High-school graduation rates and college enrollment have also risen rapidly in both countries since the 1990s. Given the substandard learning conditions that had prevailed for Brazilian and Chilean students, the increased expenditures on traditional inputs were fundamental to reach even the most basic level of what is needed to effectively teach students. Brazil introduced an aggressive conditional cash-transfer program (Bolsa Escola) that increased primary and secondary school attendance and reduced dropout rates, while Chile implemented a number of compensatory programs that improved student achievement in the lowest-performing and most-disadvantaged schools. These improvements in wealth and spending were essential to achieving an adequate level of conditions to effectively educate students and take advantage of the education reforms being executed in both countries. If schools are improving so rapidly in Brazil and Chile, why are people still taking part in demonstrations to protest, in part, the poor quality of schools?
The core problem is that the quality of schooling has not caught up with the improvements in the standard of living. While both countries, especially Chile, have made progress in narrowing test-score gaps among their students, large differences persist.
The wealthy in Brazil and Chile are able to insulate themselves from low-quality public schools. While the demonstrations in Brazil and Chile will eventually subside, their roots will surely remain a societal force. Gregory Elacqua is director of the Public Policy Institute at the School of Economics and Business, Universidad Diego Portales in Santiago, Chile. In an article published by Forbes, the fact that the country is spending 61% as much on upgrades for athletics as it does on its public school system has definitely become a sore spot, with protests and riots in the country in the weeks and months leading up to the World Cup. On Thursday morning, 500 striking teachers clogged rush our traffic in parts of Rio de Janeiro to protest how much money has been spent on the Cup, according to a report from Press TV. The teachers are on strike protesting better salaries for themselves and more money invested in both the health and education components of the country.
Brazil is hardly the first country to receive criticism from its citizens for money spent on athletic competitions.
These differences represent critical health and social issues with important implications for policymakers.
Despite the potential to reduce educational differences in mortality, it may be overly simplistic to assume that they are easily responsive to increased future investments in the education of U.S. Following Monday’s heavyweights, including Michelle Obama and Bernie Sanders, former president Bill Clinton will take the stage on Tuesday.
The First Lady took to the stage at the Democratic National Convention, and united a divided hall. Obama stepped out onto a stage in front of a divided party, including delegates who had booed almost every mention of the presumptive nominee. She did it, moreover, her own way—forming a striking contrast with the night’s other speakers. Against a restive backdrop, the party’s top lieutenants were forced into the role of prime time peacemakers, tasked with encouraging Democratic unity in a party that has only lately acquiesced to tenuous detente.
When something goes wrong, I start with blunder, confusion, and miscalculation as the likely explanations. But it is getting more difficult to dismiss the apparent Russian role in the DNC hack as blunder and confusion rather than plan.
The timing and precision of the leaks, on the day before the Democratic convention and on a topic intended to maximize divisions at that convention, is unlikely to be pure coincidence.
The foreign country most enthusiastic about Trump’s rise appears to be Russia, which would also be the foreign country most benefited by his policy changes, from his sowing doubts about NATO and the EU to his weakening of the RNC platform language about Ukraine. The pressures of national academic standards have pushed character education out of the classroom.
A few months ago, I presented the following scenario to my junior English students: Your boyfriend or girlfriend has committed a felony, during which other people were badly harmed. This discussion was part of an introduction to an essay assignment about whether Americans should pay more for ethically produced food. The Democratic chairwoman had few supporters—but clung to her post for years, abetted by the indifference of the White House. PHILADELPHIA—As Debbie Wasserman Schultz made her unceremonious exit as chairwoman of the Democratic National Committee, what was most remarkable was what you didn’t hear: practically anybody coming to her defense. Donald Trump shocked foreign-policy professionals and observers when he remarked to The New York Times that if he were president, the United States might not come to the defense of an attacked NATO ally that hadn’t fulfilled its “obligation to make payments.” The remark broke with decades of bipartisan commitment to the alliance and, as Jeffrey Goldberg wrote in The Atlantic, aligned well with the interests of Russia, whose ambitions NATO was founded largely to contain. Physicists can’t agree on whether the flow of future to past is real or a mental construct.
Einstein once described his friend Michele Besso as “the best sounding board in Europe” for scientific ideas. PHILADELPHIA––As successive speakers took the stage at the Democratic National Convention Monday, Farhad Manjoo of the New York Times observed that the participants were much more liberal than the ones that helped nominate Bill Clinton. A short documentary profiles the difficult lives of senior citizens who have lived in the city for decades.
The slaves from Malaya brought Islam with them, a religion which has grown considerably in South Africa. This chart from Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory provides a simple clear way to understand how energy is used in the US. Energy sources are on the left side – solar, nuclear, hydro, wind, geothermal, natural gas, coal, biomass, petroleum.
Energy users are broken in to four categories a€“ residential, commercial, industrial, and transportation. The gray boxes on the right sum up the energy that was used and the energy that was lost (rejected). The width of the lines running from the various energy sources to their destination uses is proportional to the amount of energy used. As can be seen, the lion’s share of US energy consumption comes from fossil fuel sources (oil, coal, natural gas). Zooming in to the transportation sector, we can see that most of that oil is used for personal vehicles (cars, light truck and SUVs).
Any attempt to reduce our dependance on oil will require grappling with transportation in general, and personal transportation in particular.
Personal transportation is 4 to 10 times less efficient than public transportation (commuter rail, trains and buses).
WELCOME!Thank you for visiting 8020 Vision a€“ connecting the dots between global challenges and sustainable solutions. Urgent measures are needed to reduce the fiscal deficit along with key structural reforms to reduce the size of the government. Rising inflation and weak GDP growth have placed Brazil in a dilemma regarding monetary policy, while the large fiscal deficit prevents the government from using any fiscal stimulus. Over and above the treble external shock that has hit several emerging economies (a sharp fall in commodity prices, a slowdown in China and monetary policy normalisation by the Fed), there are a number of structural issues that place Brazil in an especially difficult position. While most countries are enjoying the ride on falling energy prices, the normalisation of regulated prices in Brazil has raised inflation way beyond the 3%-6% target. One of the key reasons for Brazil’s growing budget deficit and sovereign debt level is its over-generous pension system. Soybeans, crude oil and iron ore are the key pillars of Brazilian trade, accounting for one third of its total exports.



A weaker real also implies that Brazilian companies would have to pay more for dollar-denominated debt. For instance, the spread of Petrobras five-year Credit Default Swaps (CDS) reached as high as 1225 bps at the end of September. The strong rise in primary sector revenues tends to lead to a loss of competitiveness in the manufacturing sector as prices creep up generally. In the labour market, employment has also switched from the manufacturing sector to services.
The natural geographical barrier and government bureaucracy have made it difficult for Brazil’s exporters to transport materials and goods from central Brazil to ports in coastal areas. However, the increase in spending has not yet given Brazil a significant advantage, both quantitative and qualitative. In terms of its pension system, Brazil is one of the most generous spenders on social security among the major economies, despite having a much younger population and a lower income per capita than others. Prosecutors are investigating an alleged kickback scheme of senior Petrobras executives and other large construction companies as well as the country’s ruling party. Protests have drawn hundreds of thousands to the streets, complaining of high inflation, the worsening economy and corruption scandals.
Although the government had planned to revive the economy through fiscal reform, political turbulence has been an obstacle and raised concerns about the government’s ability to implement it. Eduardo Cunha, President of the Lower House of Congress and a member of the PMDB, publicly opposed Rousseff by blocking austerity bills and promoting expenditure bills. The country’s audit court also recommended Congress to reject the new fiscal bill, which could trigger an impeachment process, the first in Brazilian political history. A further increase in borrowing costs from downgrading would be detrimental to Brazilian corporations. With the Pacific Alliance (between Mexico, Peru, Colombia and Chile), Brazil is becoming isolated from the best-performing area of Latin America. While the boom years have not been used to support reform, Brazil is currently experiencing resistance to economic reform, especially as regards its austerity measures and the political ties in SOEs. All things considered, it can be expected that Brazil will remain subject to economic and political turmoil for quite some time. Protests rocked cities across Brazil in June 2013, and in Chile, recent student protests turned violent. Brazilians railed against rising bus fares, while Chileans rejected higher college-tuition fees. The income share held by the top 10 percent of the population in Brazil and Chile is 43 percent, compared to 30 percent in the United States and 26 percent in the Netherlands. The nation has 51 million students enrolled in 200,000 schools that employ more than 2 million teachers. Brazil’s GDP per capita was $7,100, and Chile’s GDP per capita amounted to $6,500, compared to $25,000 in the United States. Brazil invested a mere $150 per student per year and Chile $360, compared to an average of $8,000 per pupil per year in the United States.
Most public school teachers and principals were hired through political connections to the local mayor. Private-voucher schools, run by for-profit and nonprofit religious and secular entities, competed with traditional public schools for per-pupil funding. The three main contributors to the gains experienced in Brazil and Chile are school reforms, increased standards of living, and improved schooling conditions. Chile has used a two-pronged strategy to improve schools and make them more accountable for their performance. The program called for rewarding schools with high and improving scores and imposing sanctions, including school closure, on low-performing schools. The ranking affected the degree of autonomy schools had in spending public funds: schools classified in the two lowest categories had to develop improvement plans and were subject to increased oversight by the government. A recent study by co-author Elacqua and his colleagues, for example, found that low-performing schools facing accountability pressures modified their teaching policies and practices in meaningful ways. The National Education Law, enacted in the mid-1990s, allowed states and municipalities to define their education policies, including those pertaining to school assignment. The state implemented the National Assessment of Basic Education (SAEB) in 1995 that evaluated a sample of public and private schools every two years, administered in 5th, 9th, and 11th grade. Many states in Brazil now hire their principals (who must have passed a school management program) through school elections.
Both economies grew quickly over the last 15 years, and the benefits were widely shared, unlike in other periods in both countries’ histories.
GDP per capita (in constant USD 2005) increased from $6,500 in the early 1990s to more than $15,000 today. In Brazil, less than one-third of students graduated from high school; today nearly two-thirds do.
Spending per primary and secondary student increased by more than 120 percent in Brazil and by more than 54 percent in Chile.
In Chile, most primary and secondary schools moved to a full school day (from less than 1 out of 4 in the early 1990s).
Brazil and Chile are increasingly middle-class nations but still have the school systems of developing countries. In Brazil, 50 percent of white elementary-school students perform above the country’s proficiency level in mathematics compared to only 5 percent of black students.
They live in gated suburban communities, send their children to elite independent private schools, hire private tutors, and pay for college admission test-prep courses throughout high school. Rising affluence has turned more Brazilians and Chileans into taxpayers, which increases pressure on the government to provide better public services and to meet citizens’ demands. Newly empowered middle-class citizens will continue to engage, until leaders are able to propel society forward at a faster rate and the schools are ranked among the top performers rather than just the top improvers.
Fatima Alves is professor at the School of Education at Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Rio de Janeiro, the country’s capital city, will host the World Cup final in a month. In addition, the Cup will bring in a substantial amount of money in the form of tourism to the country. In 2004, Greece saw its budget for the Summer Olympics balloon as high as €9 billion ($12 billion), more than triple the original budget.
Unfortunately, these increases in life expectancy mask very wide disparities among population groups.
Because well-educated individuals have a much longer life expectancy, is such an accomplishment (or at least a substantial improvement) possible for other subgroups? Rostron et al., "Education Reporting and Classification on Death Certificates in the United States," Vital and Health Statistics Series 2, no. Hummer is Centennial Commission Professor of Liberal Arts in the department of sociology and Population Research Center at the University of Texas at Austin.
Hoyert and Jiaquan Xu, "Deaths: Preliminary Data for 2011," National Vital Statistics Reports 61, no.
But tonight in Philadelphia, Michelle Obama delivered a speech that will be replayed, quoted, and anthologized for years.
They did so through a combination of alarmist truth telling—borne from the reality of a Trump-Clinton matchup that has lately gotten tighter—and cold-water scolding about party division—driven equally by frustration and exhaustion. Planned-out wrongdoing is harder to pull off, more likely to backfire, and thus less probable. If it were coincidence, why exactly now, with evidence drawn from hacks over previous months?
It was obvious, they said, that loyalty was paramount—not a single student said they’d “snitch.” They were unequivocally unconcerned about who was harmed in this hypothetical scenario. We continued discussing other dilemmas, and the kids were more engaged that they’d been in weeks, grappling with big questions about values, character, and right versus wrong as I attempted to expand their thinking about who and what is affected—and why it matters—by their caloric choices.
She reportedly resisted stepping down, and blamed subordinates for the content of the leaked emails that were released Friday, which clearly showed the committee’s posture of neutrality in the Democratic primary to have been a hollow pretense, just as Bernie Sanders and his supporters long contended.
But these ones stoked particular alarm, not least among America’s allies, about the candidate’s suitability for the United States presidency. They attended university together in Zurich; later they were colleagues at the patent office in Bern.
Many physicists argue that Einstein’s position is implied by the two pillars of modern physics: Einstein’s masterpiece, the general theory of relativity, and the Standard Model of particle physics. It is one of the oldest cliches in journalism, an acknowledgement of the idea that ordinary events are not newsworthy, whereas oddities, like a puppy-nibbling adult, deserve disproportionate coverage.
If journalists are encouraged to report extreme events, they guide both elite and public attitudes, leading many people, including experts, to feel like extreme events are more common than they actually are. Professional investors are fretting about the possibility of a massive stock-market crash, on par with 1987’s Black Monday. And alongside them were a lesbian veteran who spoke of serving in the days of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.” A disability-rights activist with cerebral palsy and spastic quadriplegia spoke up against the prejudices faced by the community on whose behalf she works.
Find out how average emissions differ depending on where you live.Measuring the impact of carbon dioxide on the environmentA carbon footprint is a measure of the impact our activities have on the environment. Of the fossil fuels, oil is the source most in demand, the bulk of which is used by the transportation sector. When oil prices rise quickly, as they did in 2008 (to over $140 per barrel), consumer behavior shifts rapidly. External shocks from the commodities market, China and the Fed have together stalled Brazil’s economic growth engine. The central bank has therefore been forced to raise interest rates to 14.25% despite the economic recession. Brazil’s recent improvement in its current account deficit is a result of currency depreciation but also of the reduction in imports following the recession.
Failure to avert the fiscal deficit through pension reforms has implied a lower productivity, as people are discouraged from joining the work force, and potentially higher taxes in order to compensate the deficit. For example, Petrobras had a debt of US$111 billion in foreign currencies, accounting for 83% of the total by June 2015. The good news is that the delay in the Fed’s rate hike has given emerging currencies some breathing space, which is also reflected in the CDS market.
The fast-growing Chinese economy has given Brazil access to a large market for commodities exports, but the flip side of the coin is the de-industrialisation resulting from competition from China. In fact, Brazil’s infrastructure investment stock accounts for only 16% of its GDP, which is significantly lower than for the rest of the BRICS including India (58%). First, the share of the population who attain tertiary education remains low, at 13%, compared with the G20 average of 27%.
The pension deficit is growing rapidly and the federal government has ruled out any expectation of a bailout, which could turn into a series of potential municipal debt crises. The state-owned development bank BNDES is Petrobras’s major shareholder, owning a quarter of the oil giant.
Monetary policy tools should be used to bring down inflation, even at the cost of an even greater recession in the short term. The fact that Brazil’s credit rating has recently been trimmed to junk grade is a very clear warning that Brazil needs urgent fiscal and public sector reform. No matter who is in charge of Latin America’s largest economy, the immediate stabilisation of the fiscal deficit as well as structural reforms are needed to bring the country back on track. In both countries, new groups have joined in, venting frustration over health care, corruption, inequality, extravagant spending on the World Cup and the Olympics in Brazil, megahydroelectric power projects in the Patagonia in Chile, and the remaining failings of publicly funded education systems.
Chile is a small and fairly homogeneous Andean country, with just over 16 million citizens who live in 15 regions. In Brazil, over the last 16 years, math scores for 5th graders improved by 40 percent of a standard deviation, and in Chile, 4th-grade performance in language improved by a similar amount. Public spending on education made up 2 percent of GDP in Brazil and 2.4 percent in Chile, in contrast to 5 percent in the United States. Rigid teacher labor laws governed both nations’ public school systems, making it virtually impossible to reward high performers or to dismiss teachers who were not carrying out their job responsibilities adequately. The voucher schools were allowed to administer entrance tests, conduct parent interviews, and charge monthly school fees, thereby keeping many poor families from higher-quality schools. First, to give parents more schooling options for their children, the government introduced a number of changes to its national voucher program, instituting a weighted voucher (more than 50 percent over the base voucher) to compensate for the higher costs of educating disadvantaged students and to provide schools with financial incentives to enroll low-income students. If the schools that were ranked in the lowest category did not show adequate improvement over four years, they could lose their license.
Surveys conducted by the Public Policy Institute at the Universidad Diego Portales prior to the policy shifts and after the changes were implemented found that parents gathered more information on schools and traveled greater distances in search of schools for their children, and that low-income families became more likely to enroll their children in private-voucher schools after the changes to the voucher program were introduced. Some municipalities, Rio de Janeiro for example, granted families the right to choose among public schools.
In 2005, the design of the evaluation changed, and all public-school students in the 5th and 9th grade are now assessed every two years (Prova Brasil).
Chile modified the teacher labor statute to allow mayors to dismiss teachers in the event of enrollment declines (and budget reductions) and permitted the lateral entry of teachers from other professions.


It is unlikely that these gains would have been generated, however, without the improvements in the standard of living and conditions for learning in publicly funded schools that occurred over the period. During the same time span, both countries also made significant investments in public education.
Brazil’s improvements in GDP per capita were more modest, but nonetheless significant, advancing from $7,100 in 1990 to $10,300 today. In Chile, about one-half of high-school students graduated, compared to close to 90 percent today, which is similar to the rates in the United States, Germany, and Australia. Expenditure on institutions as a percentage of GDP has also doubled over the last two decades.
Both countries also nearly doubled preschool coverage, and have introduced more and higher-quality technology into the classroom. Both are ranked in the bottom quarter of participating countries on PISA (Program for International Student Assessment). In Chile, two-thirds of high-income students perform above the country’s proficiency level in mathematics compared to only 11 percent of low-income students. Wealthy students then attend subsidized (free in Brazil) elite public or publicly funded universities. Political scientist Samuel Huntington argued in his 1968 book, Political Order in Changing Societies, that in societies that experience rapid progress quickly, citizens’ demand for quality public services grows at a faster rate than the government’s capacity to satisfy the expectations. According to Forbes, the Confederation Cup, held last year in Brazil, earned the country some $336 million in tourism revenue. The country has been on the verge of economic disaster for much of the last decade, bailed out twice by the European Union. The potential to reduce these educational differences in mortality and life expectancy underscores the need to accurately describe them and understand why they exist. We provide a balanced and up-to-date portrait of the key results and implications of research in this area.
It was as pure a piece of political oratory as this campaign has offered, and instantly entered the pantheon of great convention speeches. She finally relinquished the convention gavel only after receiving three days of strong-arming, a ceremonial position in the Clinton campaign, and a raucous round of boos at a convention breakfast.
When Besso died in the spring of 1955, Einstein—knowing that his own time was also running out—wrote a now-famous letter to Besso’s family. The laws that underlie these theories are time-symmetric—that is, the physics they describe is the same, regardless of whether the variable called “time” increases or decreases.
By reporting on only the radically novel, the press can feed a popular illusion that the world is more terrible than it actually is. The statistical odds that such an event will occur within the next six months are about 1-in-60, according to historical data from 1929 to 1988. It calculates the greenhouse gases we are expected to produce in all our activities and measures them in units of carbon dioxide. Understanding the energy trends shaping our world is essential to managing risk and innovating solutions for business, government and community.
Starting with the most recent, de-industrialisation stemming from the Dutch disease generated by the commodity boom, there are also even more deeply-rooted problems such as poor educational levels, a lack of infrastructure and a bloated government structure. More importantly, this poses the risk of defaults in sovereign and corporate debt, which could lead to further downgrading and higher borrowing costs. With the slowdown in China, Brazil’s exports there have failed to maintain their growth momentum, with a 13% decline in 2014 and an even greater drop in 2015.
Secondly, the quality of education ranks very low even when compared with other emerging economies.
Privatisation of SOEs and state-owned banks is essential, but it is also essential to improve the rules of the game to ensure an equal footing between the public and private sectors and local and foreign investors.
Successful economic and social reforms over the last two decades have led to major improvements in the quality of life. In Chile, less than half of its students graduated from high school, while in Brazil less than half completed elementary school. Most children in Brazil were assigned to a public school based on their place of residence, regardless of the quality of the school. The system created incentives for private-voucher schools to recruit higher-performing and more-advantaged students, undermining the competitive pressures the voucher was supposed to create. The government published the school classifications on its web site, and schools were required to explain to parents the consequences of the ranking. Most Brazilian students, however, are still assigned to a public school based on their place of residence. The government continues to test a sample of 11th-grade public-school students and private-school students in 5th, 9th, and 11th grade.
The Chilean government also instituted a collective and individual merit-pay program, which provides monetary incentives to teachers who work in the highest-performing and most rapidly improving schools, after adjusting for student demographics. Both countries have invested abundant resources in new school facilities, textbooks, and higher teacher salaries. Brazil ranked 53 and Chile 44 out of 65 countries that participated in the most recent PISA reading exam. These options are out of reach for most families in the Brazilian and Chilean middle class.
This helps explain why rather than celebrate the tangible educational and social progress, middle-class Brazilians and Chileans take to the streets to demand more rapid change. In 2010, South Africa hosted the World Cup and set a record for tourists visiting that country with 8.1 million. Other factors, such as parental education and income, may be related to both high educational attainment and longevity among U.S.
We address five major issues: What is the current association between educational attainment and adult mortality? Moreover, they say nothing at all about the point we call “now”—a special moment (or so it appears) for us, but seemingly undefined when we talk about the universe at large. But when surveys between 1989 and 2015 asked investors to estimate the odds of such a crash in the coming months, the typical response was 1-in-10. The Dutch disease, poor infrastructure, low quality education and inefficient pension system are all obstacles to restart the economic engine. As if this were not enough, the government is also facing a multibillion corruption scandal and the President’s likely impeachment. Attracting foreign capital to upgrade infrastructures is also vital, as is the reform of the educational system. Millions of Brazilians and Chileans have joined the middle class, and the percentage living in poverty has plummeted. Less than 15 percent of high-school graduates enrolled in institutions of higher education in either country. Many rural schools still had no electricity and water, most schools were devoid of textbooks and school materials, and the teaching force was of low quality. In secondary school, schools could administer student assessments, but parent interviews were prohibited. Independent private schools compete for students; they represent about 15 percent of enrollments nationally and more than 25 percent in major metropolitan areas.
The performance-based rewards are greater for teachers who work in schools that serve students from low-income families. In Brazil, the poverty rate fell by half (from 50 percent to 25 percent), and those living in extreme poverty, on less than $2 a day, declined from 25 percent of the population to 10 percent.
In Brazil, between 1999 and 2010, enrollment in higher education increased from 11 percent to 27 percent of students within five years of high-school graduation age.
Public-school teacher salaries increased in real terms by 400 percent in Brazil and by 200 percent in Chile, which had a positive impact on the quality of the teaching force.  In Chile, the college admission test scores for students in undergraduate education programs rose by more than 20 percent.
Most public schools in Chile and a growing number in Brazil are now connected to the Internet.
Brazil’s scores are similar to those of Colombia and Tunisia; Chile ranks just above Serbia and significantly below Turkey. The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement’s Teacher and Development Mathematics Study (TEDS), conducted in 16 countries, ranked Chile next to last in mathematics content and pedagogical knowledge, below Botswana. Her speech was laden with sharp barbs, but she delivered them calmly, sometimes wryly, biting her lower lip, hitting her cadence. The resulting timeless cosmos is sometimes called a “block universe”—a static block of space-time in which any flow of time, or passage through it, must presumably be a mental construct or other illusion.
Commuters embraced public transportation, with many metropolitan areas seeing 30 to 45 percent increases in use of public transportation in just one quarter. A shaky political situation, emanating from corruption scandals and political ties in state-owned enterprises (SOEs), has delayed the action needed for economic recovery.
In fact, Brazil scores 3.92 in the 2015-16 Global Competitiveness Report, lagging behind most of its peer BRICS and other South American countries.
The quality of public education has also improved substantially in both countries since 1990. Peterson, and Ludger Woessman estimated the learning gains between 1995 and 2009 for 49 countries (see “Is the U.S. Schools also could no longer expel students because of their inability to pay the monthly school fees.
While the government does not provide any direct subsidies to private schools, tuition tax credits capped at $1,500 a year are available to offset the costs of private school fees.
The scores are also used to construct the Index of Basic Education Development (IDEB), which combines school performance and grade repetition data. Some Brazilian states and municipalities, including Rio de Janeiro, have introduced teacher merit-pay schemes based on school IDEB scores. In Brazil, almost 75 percent of public school teachers now have a college degree, compared to less than 20 percent in the early 1990s. The Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS), administered by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), ranked Brazilian teachers last out of 23 countries on the effective use of classroom time, below Mexico. If so, then even the best-intentioned policy efforts to reduce educational differences in mortality may be of little value. This pattern is shown in the graph below, with MEDCs [MEDC: A More Economically Developed Country (MEDC) has high levels of development based on economic indicators such as gross domestic product (the country's income). The options confronting Brazil are limited and short-term pain in recession is unavoidable for a better long-term future. All in all, there is an urgent need to improve infrastructure to reduce time costs and risks. For example, in the early 1990s, less than 20 percent of elementary-school teachers in Brazil had earned a college degree. If the schools do not meet the IDEB target set by the federal government, they must develop an improvement plan, which must be implemented over the subsequent two years, and they are subject to more oversight by the federal, state, and municipal governments. Rio’s program establishes improvement targets for schools at different levels of achievement (based on the IDEB score) and rewards schools that meet the goals. In Chile, only 15 percent of students enrolled in higher education in the early 1990s, while today more than 50 percent do.
The study finds that Brazilian teachers spend a significant portion of class time on administrative tasks and maintaining order. While you will be able to view the content of this page in your current browser, you will not be able to get the full visual experience.
Brazil and Chile ranked in the top three among nations that significantly improved their educational standing (see Figure 1).
Chile introduced a national public-school teacher-evaluation plan that allows municipalities to dismiss teachers who receive a negative evaluation for three consecutive years. Seven out of 10 college students in Chile are the first generation in their families to attend college. And what are the implications of recent work in this area for future education-mortality research? Please consider upgrading your browser software or enabling style sheets (CSS) if you are able to do so.
Student achievement in Brazil and Chile increased at an annual rate of 4 percent of a standard deviation, which translates over the 14-year study period into learning gains of greater than two years, compared to less than one additional year’s worth of learning among American students over the same time span.
Over the last 15 years, the private-voucher enrollment rate increased from one-third to more than one-half of all school-age children. Chile also introduced a voluntary national teacher competency exam for recent college graduates.
The strong showing of the two countries is likely related to the aggressive economic, social, and educational reforms adopted over the last two decades.



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