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admin | Category: Ed Treatment San Antonio | 04.09.2015
A column criticizing Pay It Forward in the Chronicle of Higher Education misses the mark – by a wide margin.
Kelderman starts by calling out the “estimated $9 billion start-up cost” for Pay It Forward (PIF).
Regarding payment of these start-up costs, Kelderman writes that it would come from either “state debt or philanthropy”, which is at once both too vague and too narrow. Two other viable ways to finance Pay It Forward start-up costs also go unmentioned: raising taxes, which Oregon voters have very recently shown a willingness to approve, and federal start-up funding, a proposal Oregon Senator Jeff Merkley introduced more than two weeks before the Chronicle published Kelderman’s article. Kelderman’s chief criticism of Pay It Forward is this: college students who believe they will earn more than the average graduate won’t participate, because they would pay more in total under Pay It Forward than they would with loans. First, he doesn’t account for the adverse selection created by debt financing a college degree.
To understand why, put yourself in the shoes of someone who would seem very unlikely to use Pay It Forward: say, an ambitious lawyer- (or engineer- or entrepreneur-) to-be whose parents are well-off enough to have $50,000 in cash for you to use for college. Kelderman says students who expect to earn more will attend private colleges and thus avoid the system.
Those who don’t need or want the insurance that Pay It Forward provides – probably students from families with over $100,000 in income – are already much more likely to find their way into private colleges, as has been the historical precedent.
Kelderman’s second main criticism is that Pay It Forward’s trust fund won’t be sufficient to cover long-run costs, because even while state fiscal support for higher education is falling, expenses are climbing (he asserts) at twice the rate of inflation. At the University of Washington for example, the total cost of education per student was $16,310 in 1990-91, and $17,103 in 2011-12.
Credit where it’s due: Kelderman is correct to say that state support for higher education is falling dramatically. Kelderman’s greatest overreach is his condemnation of Pay It Forward because “there is no guarantee that states would continue to subsidize public colleges at the same level for a quarter century.” That’s true – but it’s also true of every public policy ever created, unless the political will exists to keep it in place.
Even as ‘just an idea’, Pay It Forward is already reshaping political dialogue and intention. As legislation, Pay It Forward can also create public policy mechanisms and help build political will to improve higher education funding and rein in tuition increases. Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Massachusetts, Maryland, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia, Vermont, Washington.
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But his case is based on selective and narrow reporting that does a disservice to readers, policymakers, and students looking for solutions to America’s crushing student debt problem.
That means the Pay It Forward trust fund won’t benefit from their (larger) contributions, and so won’t be sufficient to pay for future cohorts of students. For the vast majority of students coming from those households, PIF is going to look like a much better deal than going into debt.
But even for students coming from families with means – or those who are likely to go on to earn a good salary – Pay It Forward still offers no debt and a better cash flow position than student loans. And as such, it gives students the freedom to choose a post-graduation path without being encumbered by personal debt. But even for those students and their families, public universities are going to have a very different value proposition with (effectively) no upfront tuition costs.
However, his figures cover just one year – from 2011 to 2012 – and that does not a trend make.
But he fails to connect the dots – it’s the cuts to state higher education funding which are driving the tuition increases that lead to high student debt.
Students, families and policymakers – who have long understood that debt financing works well for Wall Street, but not for working families – now have a viable policy alternative to put on the table. For example, federal start-up funds could be made available only to states that maintain a minimum level of public funding for higher education. There are important details to be worked out and improvements to be made, which is normal for any public policy proposal. In exchange, the student agrees to contribute a small, fixed percentage of their post-education income for a fixed period of time.
Rather, participants are guaranteed a manageable contribution, regardless of income (or income fluctuations).
They are publishing articles that are shining the light on the need to teach creativity and innovation to students in our educational system. It calls for a pilot project – one still being designed – which might include just one state university and one community college, only one cohort of students at a time, or other variations. For example, in November 2014, Oregon voters will consider a proposed constitutional amendment to allow the Treasurer to issue bonds to create an “Opportunity Fund” for higher education. It also makes it harder for students who want to teach, be a nurse, or social worker (to pick just three of many professions that pay high social dividends, but not high salaries) to afford a degree.


That makes Pay It Forward far more attractive than debt financing, not just for upper middle class, but also middle class, working class, and low-income students. Nor do national numbers tell the complete story about what’s happening in each state, where clearly it’s possible for public higher education administrators and policymakers to take steps to control costs. At the state’s comprehensive universities, the total cost per student has actually declined 15% (from $11,929 to $10,128) during the same time period. Community college costs have increased nearly 20%, but that’s still less than a 1% increase per year. That’s why at last count stakeholders in 14 different states are exploring Pay It Forward, from writing legislation to studying how the model might work for them.
The high demand for Pay It Forward will increase the political inclination to maintain or even lower tuition – because doing so reduces the necessary size of the PIF trust fund, and makes it possible for that fund to reach self-sufficiency more quickly. Their contributions, together with other Pay It Forward participants, are pooled in a trust fund that (once fully funded) enables future students to also attend college without paying upfront tuition fees.
It directs the state’s Higher Education Coordination Commission to develop a Pay It Forward pilot project for consideration by the 2015 Legislature, and to develop a plan for a four-year tuition freeze. This October 2010 issue featured two articles raising attention to our need for creativity to teach creativity and foster more creative college campuses. If passed, a portion of the proceeds of this bond issue could be dedicated to start-up costs for the pilot PIF program.
It’s appealing in its simplicity, but hardly the problem Kelderman makes it out to be, for two reasons. Pay It Forward has the potential to generate a tremendous amount of educational opportunity and social equity that is lost under today’s debt-financed degrees. And as the number of people participating in and benefiting from Pay It Forward grows over time, so will political resistance to attempts to undermine it or higher education in general. Hopefully, future discussions of Pay It Forward can be used as opportunities to create workable policy designs that help resolve our nation’s student debt problem, instead of prolonging it. Those who attend but don’t graduate would contribute a pro-rated percentage of their incomes.
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